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Tropical Agriculture Introducer: Christine Padoch

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Forest, Field, and Fallow

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Abstract

This essay introduces two of Denevan’s articles that contributed profoundly to a reevaluation of Amazonian agriculture both in the present and in the past. Denevan changed the way swidden farming is perceived, especially the ways in which this common form of agriculture relates to forests. He showed swidden to be extremely complex and highly flexible, multistaged, largely invisible, and “hiding” within what appear to be natural forests. Perhaps even more significantly, Denevan directed Amazonian researchers to look beyond swidden and in doing so changed fundamental ideas about early Amazon agriculture, Amazon forests and forest management, and the nature of traditional and smallholder resource management throughout the tropics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For example: Campa, Bora, Yanomami, Kuikuru, Amuesha, Machiguenga, Kayapó, Runa, Ka’apor, Amahuaca, and Siona-Secoya; see Posey and Balée (1989); Hames and Vickers (1983).

  2. 2.

    Hodder (1983, 79–80) questions the validity of Carneiro’s (1979a, b) results for Yanomami tree cutting efficiency because the practitioner had no prior experience using a stone axe.

  3. 3.

    Other studies have obtained lower stone axe to steel axe efficiency ratios (ca. 3:1–6:1), but they generally do not take into consideration variability in tree diameter and hardness; i.e. Salisbury (1962, 220); Saraydar and Shimada (1971, 1973); Steensberg (1980, 38–39); Townsend (1969, 203–204).

  4. 4.

    See Carneiro (1979a, 41); Lewenstein (1987, 35–43); Townsend (1969, 201). Lewenstein compares the times to make and sharpen, efficiency, and durability of ground stone versus chipped stone axes for the Maya. Carneiro (1974, 115) quotes an Amahuaca man on former use of stone axes: “They say it was always breaking. They say it was always getting dull. That stone axe is no good!”.

  5. 5.

    There are many examples of the Indian obsession for stone axes in Amazonia, i.e., Deboer (1981); Denevan (1966, 97); Golob (1982, 115, 126–127, 153–154, 201–202); Isaac (1977, 141).

  6. 6.

    Wilk (1985, 55) believes that in the Maya lowlands riverbank recessional farming preceded long-fallow swidden farming in the uplands, in part because of inadequate land- clearing axes.

  7. 7.

    Jean de Léry (1990, 101), who was on the Brazilian coast at the same time as Hans Staden (1556–58), said that “goods” (including iron axes) from the Europeans let the Indians “have big gardens.”

  8. 8.

    The development of the iron axe was instrumental in the clearing of the forests of northwest Europe in the Middle Ages. Some iron axes had strips of steel welded to the head (“steeling”), but single piece, high-carbon steel axes did not become common until the twentieth century.

  9. 9.

    For a treatment of the social and economic impact of the transition from stone to steel in highland New Guinea (the Siane), see Salisbury (1962), and for Cape York, Australia (the Yir Yoront), see Sharp (1952).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. New York Botanical Garden, New York, NY, USA

    Christine Padoch

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  1. Environmental Sciences and Policy Program, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC, USA

    Antoinette M.G.A. WinklerPrins

  2. Geography and Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA, USA

    Kent Mathewson

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Padoch, C. (2021). Tropical Agriculture Introducer: Christine Padoch. In: WinklerPrins, A.M., Mathewson, K. (eds) Forest, Field, and Fallow. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42480-0_6

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