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Agricultural Landforms Introducer: Clark L. Erickson

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Abstract

Indigenous agriculture of the Americas has a long history as a research topic in cultural geography, cultural anthropology, and archaeology. Native peoples developed a vast range of strategies from intensive agriculture (raised fields, terracing, irrigation) to agroforestry. Over time, human activities transformed much of the environment into highly productive anthropogenic landscapes. William Denevan dedicated his career to understanding indigenous knowledge through research on the complex agricultural landforms. Two early publications explore agricultural intensification, conversion of marginal wetlands and slopes into productive spaces, role of social organization in farming, human response to climate change, and abandonment of fields. In the process, Denevan presents methodological approaches to record, classify, date, and analyze field systems that continue to be relevant.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Treacy (1987a, 53; Treacy 1994b, 147) believed that the Coporaque bench-terrace fills were done by hand, whereas sloping-field terraces were self-filling via downslope movement of soil. Sandor (1987a, 185), however, believes that the Coporaque bench terraces were filled by natural slope processes.

  2. 2.

    These local names are not villages but rather locales, specific habitats with clusters of fields, whose present toponyms can usually be found in the early colonial visitas.

  3. 3.

    Based on Winterhalder (1994, 47, 60). Winterhalder demonstrates why irrigation is required in the Colca Valley on the western side of the southern Peruvian Andes, whereas in the Sandia Valley on the eastern side, rainfed cultivation of terraces is possible due to greater total rainfall and other factors.

  4. 4.

    Cardich (1985) argues that shifts of cultivation to lower slopes in the Andes were due to climatic changes toward colder temperatures. He believes it was warmer from 300 BC to AD 500; colder from AD 500–1000, warmer from AD 1000–1350; and colder from AD 1320 through the Inca period. This might explain an abandonment of the Chilacota fields after 1320; however, temperature would not explain the often sharp division between irrigated and unirrigated terraces elsewhere.

  5. 5.

    Proponents of the restoration and expansion of traditional terracing in Peru include Peruvian ecologist Marc Dourojani (1983, 66, 70) and several contributors to the volume on Andenes y camellones (Torre and Burga 1986). The United States Agency for International Development had a major project to improve traditional terrace agriculture and to construct new terraces in Venezuela, Guatemala, and Peru (Williams 1986).

  6. 6.

    The 1931 vertical photos at a scale of 1:13,000, taken by the Shippee-Johnson Expedition (Denevan 1993), are of excellent quality, and we used them to determine the change in extent of terracing for the community of Coporaque between 1931 and 1974. The difference was very small – an increase of overall cultivated area of 30 ha or c. 4 percent. This increase was on sectors of pampa (river terrace) land which had been uncultivated in 1931.

  7. 7.

    Most of the enclosure process occurred between 1930 and 1980 in order to prevent animal infringement into fields, thus eliminating open-field, communal grazing (González 1995).

  8. 8.

    This is true for most of the Colca Valley, but not for the Japo Basin where very few irrigated terraces have been abandoned.

  9. 9.

    Depopulation or stagnation has occurred in many Andean villages in recent decades, despite higher fertility and survival rates (Preston 1996).

  10. 10.

    The 1993 Census gives a lower total of 18,344 (Brooks 1998, 104).

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Erickson, C.L. (2021). Agricultural Landforms Introducer: Clark L. Erickson. In: WinklerPrins, A.M., Mathewson, K. (eds) Forest, Field, and Fallow. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42480-0_2

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