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Ways and Travels of the Sacred Feminine from Brazil to Central Europe Feminine Power and Agency in the Contemporary Umbanda Community Ilê Axé Oxum Abalô

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Abstract

This study examines the Afro-Brazilian theology of the Orixás (Yorùbá deities from West Africa) as practised in a translocated and diasporic Umbanda community in the Central European region of Switzerland, Austria and Germany, the Ilê Axé Oxum Abalô / Terra Sagrada. In contrast to religious traditions of the Candomblé from Brazil (Cf. the definitions of Umbanda and Candomblé in its religious field: Gonçalves da Silva (Candomblé e Umbanda. Caminhos da Devoção Brasileira. Selo Negro, São Paulo, 2005), which are based on the interpretation of the West African Ilê Ifé oracle deciphering the deities’ influence on people through the Orixás, this spiritual community refers its way of learning about the deities to the effects of music, dance and the inner knowledge of one’s own body. Particularly, change and renovation is sought in the oral transmission of knowledge production by a feminist liberation from shameful and powerless attributions in the mythology of the goddess Obá, among other female goddesses. Spiritual tourism of the community to Brazil encourages these new ways. This text argues that these feminist activists expressed in contemporary performances in Central Europe select certain historical precursors in the religious field of the Afro-Brazilian religions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Iemanjá is known in Brazil as the sea-goddess of the salty waters. There are other Orixás of water such as Nanã, Euá, Oxum, Obá, Logum-Edé.

  2. 2.

    Eco (1989), p. 196.

    Am Strand sah ich Votivgaben aufgereiht, bunte Kerzen und weiße Körbe. Amparo sagte mir, das seien Gaben für Yemanjá, die Göttin der Gewässer. Sie stieg aus dem Wagen, trat andächtig an die Wasserkante und blieb ein Weilchen schweigend dort stehen. Ich fragte sie, ob sie an Yemanjá glaube. Sie fragte wütend zurück, wie ich das denken könne. Dann fügte sie hinzu: “Meine Großmutter brachte mich hierher an den Strand und rief die Göttin an, damit ich schön und gut und glücklich gedeihe. Wer war doch gleich euer Philosoph, der von schwarzen Katzen und Korallenamuletten sprach und gesagt hat: “Es ist nicht wahr, aber ich glaube daran?” Gut, ich sage eben: Ich glaube nicht daran, aber es ist wahr.”

  3. 3.

    This research forms the empirical basis for my doctoral thesis “Trauma as a Knowledge Archive. Postcolonial Memory Practice in the Religious Globalization Using the Example of the Contemporary Umbanda”, in European Ethnology of Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, where I have been working as a research assistant since 2014.

  4. 4.

    Marcus (1995), pp. 95–117.

  5. 5.

    The term “mother house” refers to the structure of religious organizations such as the Christian church or the so-called casas (pt.: house) of Umbanda or Candomblé communities in Brazil. It refers to a centre and place of origin of a spiritual or religious community of an Afro-Brazilian religion. Derived from this are the individual filiations, which, like children (of a mother), are independent, yet in direct emotional and material dependence.

  6. 6.

    Cf. concepts of ritual healing work in the Umbanda religion: Magnani (1980).

  7. 7.

    Cf. the sincretic practices in the Umbanda religion in Brazil: Figueiredo Ferretti (1995, 1998), see also Scharf da Silva (2017).

  8. 8.

    Verger (1992).

  9. 9.

    Hayes (2017), pp. 395–430.

    Hayes affirms this generally accepted data of female participation and leadership in Afro-Brazilian religions, but notes the absence of deeper research in this area: “Although census data and sociological studies consistently indicate that Brazilian women participate in organized religions at a greater rate than men, we know surprisingly little about women’s religious lives in Brazil. With some notable exceptions, the scholarship on religion in Brazil has not focused on women as a specific class of religious practitioners nor has it included much systematic reflection on gender and the impact of gendered differences on religious practice” (Hayes, 2017, p. 395).

  10. 10.

    “A revolutionary and exclusive and consequently deeply political monotheism, which rejects the existence of many gods per se, displaces and extinguishes them. Subsequently this monotheism disapproved and fought against the existence of other religions“ (Habiba de Oxum Abalô in a virtual conversation with Inga Scharf da Silva, 29.4.2018, unpublished, translation from German ISdS) / “Einem revolutionären und exklusiven und in dem auch zutiefst politischen Monotheismus, der die Existenz von vielen Götter per se ablehnt, verdrängt und auslöscht und in weiterer Folge auch die Existenz anderer Religion ablehnte und bekämpfte.” (Habiba de Oxum Abalô in einem virtuellen Gespräch mit Inga Scharf da Silva, 29.4.2018, unveröffentlicht)

  11. 11.

    Assmann (1993).

  12. 12.

    Kleinhempel (2016).

  13. 13.

    Scharf da Silva (2017).

  14. 14.

    Prandi (2001), p. 314.

  15. 15.

    Prandi (2001), pp. 316–317.

  16. 16.

    Prandi (2001), pp. 314–316.

  17. 17.

    Beniste (2002).

  18. 18.

    Habiba de Oxum Abalô in a virtual conversation with Inga Scharf da Silva, 29.4.2018, unpublished, translation from German ISdS

    “Die Mythen von Obá, die in ihrem Namen auf ihre eigentliche Royalität verweist, sprechen mehrheitlich von Demütigung und Vergewaltigung, sprechen ihr männliche Attribute von Kampf, Kraft und Zorn, Eigensinn, Machtanspruch etc. zu, die, weil sie eine Frau ist, dort zu Nachteilen, ja sogar Fehlern oder Schwächen mutieren. Obá steht in diesen Mythen sinnbildlich für den Wertewandel und Gesinnungswandel, der dem Männlichen ausschließliche Deutungshoheit und Macht zubilligt.” (Habiba de Oxum Abalô in einem virtuellen Gespräch mit Inga Scharf da Silva, 29.4.2018, unveröffentlicht)

  19. 19.

    Martins (2011): pp. 80–83.

  20. 20.

    Lorand Matory (2005).

  21. 21.

    Pierre Verger, A Contribuição Especial das Mulheres ao Candomblé do Brasil, 100f. (translation from Brazilian Portuguese ISdS)

    “Uma situação análoga se verifica entre as mulheres descendentes de africanos no Brasil, onde já não existem grandes famílias formadas à volta de pai polígamo. As crianças vivem com a mãe enquanto que o homem vive com cada mulher alternadamente. Uma tal família gravitando à volta da mãe, não faz mais do que consolidar o sentiment de indepenência das mulheres. São elas que mandam em casa, e com elas vivem os filhos de pais diferentes. Estas mulheres são muito ativas; elas vendem nos mercados e nas ruas alimentos cozidos, idênticos aos da África, tais como acarajés […]. A influência das mulheres no candomblé fazia se sentir mais do que a dos homens porque elas eram mais numerosas a poder comprar a sua liberdade.”

  22. 22.

    Nogueira Negrão (1996).

  23. 23.

    Hayes (2017).

  24. 24.

    Rocha and Vásquez (2013).

  25. 25.

    Hödl (2003).

  26. 26.

    Spillmann (2007), pp. 155–167.

  27. 27.

    Ferreira de Camargo (1961).

  28. 28.

    These overlaps of the Umbanda to Kardecist spiritism result from the fact that the Umbanda was originally founded by rebellious Kardecists in the beginning of the twentieth century. The main spirits of the Umbanda of Caboclas and Caboclos and Pretas Velhas and Pretos Velhos were classified as inferior from an evolutionist point of view of Kardecism, and thus experienced a re-evaluation in the new religion of Umbanda.

  29. 29.

    Gonçalves da Silva (2016), p. 490.

  30. 30.

    Kreszmeier (2004), p. 201.

  31. 31.

    Kreszmeier (2004), p. 132.

    “Die Vorbereitung für den Kontakt mit der geistigen Weltdimension geht in der Umbanda über den Körper. Das, was in anderen Traditionen über Meditation oder Gebet bewirkt werden will, läuft hier über die Wahrnehmung des Körpers. Seine Präsenz, seine Bewegung, sein Tanz wird – wenn er gelernt hat, sich auf sein Wesentliches zu zentrieren, sich leer zu machen und zu öffnen – zum Gefäß, zum Werkzeug und zum Landeplatz für geistige oder gar göttliche Kräfte. Er gibt sich hin, setzt sich aus, nimmt in sich auf, lässt sich nehmen von der Welt jenseits der Grenze, wird ihr Sprachrohr, ihr Ausdruck. Dem Körper wird – anders formuliert – alles zugemutet, weil er auch als „alles“ angesehen wird, als unmittelbarer und ganzer Ausdruck alles Lebens.”

  32. 32.

    Astrid Habiba Kreszmeier, 20.10.2011, cited by Scharf da Silva (2011)

    “Bei dieser Abwertung, einer permanenten Abwertung bist du der Gefahr ausgesetzt, dass Du Dich anpasst: Der Mensch will überleben. Eine der großen Anpassungen ist die Aussage, dass wir eigentlich alles Mögliche tun, aber doch monotheistisch sind. Dieses große Thema... das monotheistische Verständnis der Yoruba, dort hat es noch einen gefestigteren Grund. Aber in der Umbanda hat das monotheistische Denken gar nichts zu suchen. Es sei denn, das kardezistische, also das christliche Denken, hat Vorrang. Umbanda ist gelebtes polytheistisches Denken”.

  33. 33.

    Prandi (2001).

  34. 34.

    Hayes (2017), p. 412.

  35. 35.

    This aspect of the basic polytheistic structure of religion is to be distinguished by the recent discussion on religious women’s agency (Mahmood 2005; Avishai 2008; Rinaldo 2013), since Afro-American religions differ from conservative religious milieu of the Abrahamic monotheistic religions.

  36. 36.

    Hayes (2017), p. 411.

  37. 37.

    Clifford (2013).

  38. 38.

    Appadurai (2003), pp. 6–7.

  39. 39.

    Hobsbawn (1998), pp. 97–118.

  40. 40.

    Appadurai (2006).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Humboldt Universität, Berlin, Germany

    Inga Scharf da Silva

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  1. Inga Scharf da Silva
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Correspondence to Inga Scharf da Silva .

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Faculty of Theology, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany

    Julian Hensold

  2. Faculty of Theology, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany

    Jordan Kynes

  3. Research Programme on Religious Communities and Sustainable Development, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin,, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany

    Philipp Öhlmann

  4. Department of Socio-Cultural Diversity, Max-Planck-Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Lower-Saxony, Germany

    Vanessa Rau

  5. Faculty of Theology, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany

    Rosa Coco Schinagl

  6. Institute for European Ethnology, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany

    Adela Taleb

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Scharf da Silva, I. (2020). Ways and Travels of the Sacred Feminine from Brazil to Central Europe Feminine Power and Agency in the Contemporary Umbanda Community Ilê Axé Oxum Abalô. In: Hensold, J., Kynes, J., Öhlmann, P., Rau, V., Schinagl, R., Taleb, A. (eds) Religion in Motion. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41388-0_3

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