Abstract
This chapter is concerned with demand-side theories of secular stagnation, providing a thorough analysis of the stagnation hypotheses of various economists emphasizing secular stagnation as a demand-side issue. These include the pre-Keynesian underconsumptionists Jean Charles Léonard Simonde de Sismondi, Thomas R. Malthus, and John A. Hobson, as well as several twentieth-century economists. Among the latter are John M. Keynes, Alvin H. Hansen—also known as the American Keynes—as well as Michał Kalecki and Josef Steindl. Finally, the theory of Lawrence H. Summers, often referred to as a revival of Hansen’s stagnation theory, is discussed as the most recent example of a demand-side stagnation hypothesis.
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Notes
- 1.
The classical version of Say’s Law refers to the equality of ex-ante saving and ex-ante investment at full utilization of capital. Full employment of labor, however, is not assumed (Hagemann and Kurz 1997; Kurz 2010, pp. 377–378). At full employment of capital, unemployment of labor can be caused by insufficient productive capacity, a phenomenon referred to as capacity-constrained unemployment or classical unemployment. See, for example, Mitchell (2017, p. 62), Arestis et al. (1998), Spahn (1986, pp. 244–245), Burns and Mitchell (1985, p. 6), and Erber et al. (1998, p. 172).
- 2.
The consumption-oriented, left-Keynesian position of the Working Group Alternative Economic Policy in Germany, also known as the Memorandum-Group, can be regarded a modern equivalent to Simonde de Sismondi’s viewpoint. See, for example, Arbeitsgruppe Alternative Wirtschaftspolitik (1978, pp. 88–92, 1979, pp. 72–74).
- 3.
Like Keynes, Schumpeter ([1941] 1991, p. 369) as well did not consider expansionary monetary policy an adequate remedy for economic weakness. See also Dal Pont Legrand and Hagemann (2016, p. 25, 2017, p. 250).
- 4.
For a contemporary interpretation and critical assessment of Keynes’s prediction of a considerable reduction in working hours, see also the essays in Pecchi and Piga (2008).
- 5.
In the form of land, labor, and technology, Hansen’s three exogenous factors are also included in a typical neoclassical production function. By considering these factors merely as necessary stimuli for investment demand, however, Hansen took a purely demand-side point of view. See also Verspohl (1971, pp. 238–239).
- 6.
- 7.
Nonetheless, according to Hansen (1938, p. 328, 1955, p. 544) secular stagnation had already occurred in the nineteenth century. He particularly pointed to the period from 1873 until 1896, the so-called Long Depression between the end of the railroad boom and the emergence of new industries such as electricity and automobiles.
- 8.
- 9.
Prior to Hansen, the impact of changes in population on economic activity had been thoroughly analyzed by the German economist August Lösch, a student of Eucken, Schumpeter, and Spiethoff—with the latter two having also influenced Hansen. Described as an extraordinary economist, Lösch joined The Kiel Institute for the World Economy in 1940, where he was promoted to senior researcher in 1941—only four years before his sudden death (Zottmann 1949, pp. 28–29; Samuelson 1976, pp. 27–28; Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel 2017). Based on empirical developments in Germany, Lösch (1936, 1937, 1938) suggested a positive nexus between population growth and economic performance. Most important, he claimed population changes to be the driving force, with business activity following suit mainly due to the impact on capital investment. In his obituary, Wolfgang Stolper mentioned the importance of “[...] Lösch’s population study [...], since the relation of population growth and business cycles has aroused new interest through the Keynes-Hansen-Terborgh discussion, through the stagnation thesis [...]” (Stolper in Lösch 1954, p. viii). Hansen (1937), on the other hand, was surprisingly critical of Lösch’s (1936) work, mentioning that population changes and economic activity were likely to mutually influence each other.
- 10.
To ensure full employment of productive resources, Hansen and other economists involved in the stagnation debate frequently emphasized the need for capital investment sufficient to absorb full-employment saving (see, for example, Hansen 1938, pp. 313, 324, 329, 1939, p. 11, 1940b, pp. 3502, 3511, 3514, 3542; Terborgh 1945, pp. 48, 63). Investment, however, does not absorb, but rather creates an equal amount of saving by its impact on national income. If planned investment falls short of desired saving at full employment, both full-employment income and full-employment saving cannot be realized. Investment determines saving, or, as Moore (2002, p. 153) puts it, “Actual saving is the accounting record of actual investment.” It is not the flow of saving which finances investment, but the stock of money. See also Spahn (1986, pp. 93–95, 246–247) and Lindner (2012).
- 11.
Especially in the early 1930s, when he was still teaching at the University of Minnesota, Hansen (1931, 1932b) also addressed the issues of labor-saving technological progress and technological unemployment, arguing that it is “[...] possible that [...] [technologically] displaced labor cannot be reemployed” (Hansen 1931, p. 88). He was particularly critical of Douglas (1930), who held that technological unemployment could not be of permanent duration, as labor-saving technological progress would automatically increase the purchasing power of workers or employers, resulting in increased demand for goods and the reabsorption of the unemployed. While Haberler (1932) partially argued in favor of Douglas (1930), Hansen (1932a, p. 25, b, p. 563), similar to Mill ([1848] 1965, I, vi, pp. 96–97), stated that labor-saving technological progress as such only involves a shift, but not an additional creation, of purchasing power. “The increased purchasing power of other groups is exactly offset by the decreased purchasing power of the displaced workers” (Hansen 1932b, p. 25). Although technological unemployment is thus not automatically eliminated, Hansen (1932b) pointed to special economic conditions which could lead to the reabsorption of technologically displaced labor. He mainly referred to flexible labor and capital markets, especially advocating price and wage flexibility, as well as a rise in investment spending (Hansen 1932b, pp. 26, 29, 1941, pp. 313–326). The latter he particularly emphasized starting in the late 1930s, after he had become a Keynesian Brazelton (1993). In his secular stagnation hypothesis, however, technological unemployment plays only a minor role (Woirol 1996, p. 45). It is rather total unemployment, of which technological unemployment is a fraction, which was at the center of his interest. In his presidential address, Hansen (1939, p. 10) held, “There can be no greater error in the analysis of the economic trends of our times than that which finds in the advance of technology [...] a major cause of unemployment. It is true that we cannot discount the problem of technological unemployment, a problem which may be intensified by the apparently growing importance of capital-saving inventions. But, on the other side, we cannot afford to neglect that type of innovation which creates new industries and which thereby opens new outlets for real investment. The problem of our generation is, above all, the problem of inadequate private investment outlets. What we need is not a slowing down in the progress of science and technology, but rather an acceleration of that rate.” For well-elaborated summaries of the technological unemployment debate in the 1930s and thereafter, see especially Woirol (1996, pp. 35–45, 69–76, 2006) and Gourvitch (1966, p. 134–142).
- 12.
Speaking of income levels, it appears that Hansen was only concerned about the actual level of national income while ignoring its growth rate. While he certainly focused on the issue of actual output falling behind the potential output level, however, he did not neglect economic growth. For example, Hansen (1951, p. 488) mentioned, “But there is the danger that we may not achieve, on a sustained basis, our growth potential.”
- 13.
When discussing the impact of an additional supply of (international) liquidity, Keynes ([1933a] 1972, p. 357) used the following metaphor, “We cannot [...] make the horses drink. [...] But we can provide them with water.” Karl Schiller, Federal Minister of Economic Affairs in Germany from 1966 to 1972, referred to this remark in several speeches and interviews. See, for example, Schiller ([1966] 1967, p. 10, 1967, 1983, p. 28).
- 14.
- 15.
Lösch (1938, p. 456) also noted that consumer spending ultimately depends on purchasing power and not on the number of people. Nonetheless, he considered the number of people highly relevant for two reasons: First, the average propensity to save is likely to be smaller if a given income is spread over a larger number of people. Secondly, he assumed business confidence to be higher in economies with an increasing population.
- 16.
Fellner (1954, p. 429), for example, put it as follows: “The Keynes-Hansen pessimism [...] does not rest on a logical fallacy, but its foundations include subjective judgments which I do not happen to share.”
- 17.
On the debate between Hansen and Terborgh, see also Dockès (2015).
- 18.
As Hansen (1955, p. 549) himself mentioned, “It is amazing how many economists have been able to close their eyes and blandly announce that events since 1940 have disproved the stagnation thesis!”
- 19.
Unless otherwise stated, the assumption of a balanced government budget, balanced foreign trade, and zero workers’ saving is maintained hereinafter.
- 20.
As Kalecki ([1954] 1965, p. 46) himself put it, “[...] [I]t is clear that capitalists may decide to consume and to invest more in a given period than in the preceding one, but they cannot decide to earn more. It is, therefore, their investment and consumption decisions which determine profits, and not vice versa.”
- 21.
As outlined by Kalecki ([1954] 1965, pp. 28–29), in the economy as a whole both \(j\) and \(\theta \) are also influenced by the industrial composition of the economy.
- 22.
Keynes ([1944] 1980, pp. 381–382) supported this idea and mentioned in a letter to Kalecki, “I am very much taken with your modified income-tax.” A modified income tax as proposed by Kalecki (1944, pp. 45–46, 54), however, is critical from an allocation point of view, because it favors large, established companies over new businesses.
- 23.
To counteract the threat of (cost-push) inflation due to excessive requests for wage increases by trade unions, Wallich and Weintraub (1971) proposed a so-called tax-based incomes policy, characterized by a surcharge tax on the corporate profits of those firms granting excessive wage increases.
- 24.
Steindl ([1952] 1976, p. 107) assumed a closed economy without government activity. In contrast to Kalecki, he did not distinguish between capitalists and workers, but between firms and private households (Dutt 2005, p. 65).
- 25.
The gross profit margin is the share of gross profits in value added, with gross profits being defined as the excess of the value of sales over direct costs (i.e., variable costs). Similarly, the net profit margin is the share of net profits in value added, with net profits being defined as the excess of the value of sales over total costs (i.e., direct and overhead costs). For the economy as a whole, gross and net profit margins depict the share of aggregate gross and net profits, respectively, in national income. In fact, Steindl ([1952] 1976, p. 71) used the terms profit margin and profit share interchangeably. While the share of gross profits is not influenced by changes in the degree of capacity utilization, ceteris paribus the share of net profits in value added (or national income) rises with an increase in capacity utilization, as overhead costs are spread over a higher volume of output. See also Steindl ([1952] 1976, pp. 46, 71) and Lavoie (2014, p. 332).
- 26.
In both the short and the long run, Steindl ([1952] 1976, p. 9–11) assumed firms to intentionally hold a certain desired degree of excess capacity, allowing them to quickly respond to changes in demand.
- 27.
While price cuts and quality competition reduce both the gross profit margin and, ceteris paribus, the net profit margin (at a given degree of capacity utilization), an increase in advertising expenditures only diminishes the net profit margin (at a given degree capacity utilization) of progressive firms.
- 28.
With regard to the term oligopoly, Steindl ([1945] 1990, p. 45) mentioned, “[...] [I]n its effect on prices, oligopoly will mean much the same as monopoly.”
- 29.
This follows from the goods market equilibrium \(\frac{I}{K} \, = \, \frac{S}{P}\frac{P}{Y}\frac{Y}{Y^*}\frac{Y^*}{K} \, = \, s_p\pi u\frac{Y^*}{K}\). Assuming that the rate of real capital accumulation \(\left( I/K\right) \), the capacity–capital ratio \(Y^*/K\), and—for reasons of simplicity—the propensity to save out of profits \(\left( s_p\right) \) are given, a rise in the profit share \(\left( \pi \right) \) induces a proportional decline in the degree of capacity utilization \(\left( u\right) \).
- 30.
On the coincidence of a decline in both competition and the rate of economic growth, see also Hansen (1938, p. 299).
- 31.
On today’s relevance of Steindl’s ([1952] 1976) endogenous stagnation theory, see also Cowling (2005).
- 32.
Core inflation is the annual change of the consumer price index excluding energy and food.
Summers’s claim that there had been no signs of economic overheating prior to the financial crisis of 2008–2009 is not shared by all economists. Taylor (2014a, p. 62), Taylor and Wieland (2016, p. 8), and Hamilton et al. (2016, p. 16), for example, point out that in the United States inflation had amounted to more than two percent and the unemployment rate had been below its estimated natural rate in the years leading up to the financial crisis of 2008–2009.
- 33.
On the safe asset shortage hypothesis, see also Caballero and Farhi (2014).
- 34.
From 2008 onward, each dotted line extrapolates the official 1999–2007 potential real output estimate (dashed lines), assuming the average annual growth rate of potential real output between 1999 and 2007.
- 35.
- 36.
Both potential output and the output gap are unobservable, but have to be estimated from real-time data and are thus subject to uncertainty. Even official output gap estimates by national and international institutions tend to differ considerably. Other indicators, such as inflation rates and labor market data, are thus typically additionally consulted to get a broad overview of the general economic climate. For example, in the United States a rather low unemployment rate and inflation close to the official target rate may be indicative of a narrow output gap. On the other hand, however, with a low and declining labor force participation rate there is still some slack in the labor market (Furman 2016, p. 8; IMF 2018, p. 4). Moreover, it is ambiguous whether the relatively high core inflation rates observed in the last years in the USA can be traced back to tight capacity constraints, as they recently have been mainly due to strong price increases in rents, motor vehicle insurances, and hospital services (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2018, p. 8). A clear negative nexus between (estimated) output gaps and inflation is indeed far from straightforward. As pointed out by Ihrig et al. (2007) and the OECD (2014, p. 16), inflation has in general become less sensitive to changes in output gaps and domestic capacity. Ihrig et al. (2007, pp. 29) suggest that this might be due to the success of monetary policy in anchoring inflation expectations. Moreover, international aspects have possibly become more important. As mentioned by Martin and Rowthorn (2012, pp. 63), the relatively high inflation rates in the United Kingdom in the immediate aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008–2009 were mainly due to rising import prices and changes in value-added taxes, and not due to the closing of the output gap.
- 37.
Estimates of the natural real interest rate should be interpreted with caution, however, as results vary according to the underlying assumptions and methodologies. While most analyses point to a declining development of natural real interest rates, natural interest rate levels differ among existing estimates (Constâncio 2016; Holston and Laubach 2016; Hamilton et al. 2016; Sachverständigenrat 2015, pp. 149–152).
- 38.
See also Rachel and Smith (2015) for a comprehensive overview.
In the contemporary stagnation debate, it is often not clearly distinguished between real factors which influence the natural interest rate (by changing desired saving and/or planned investment and/or current account balances), and monetary factors which influence market interest rates (see, for instance, Blanchard et al. 2014). For example, the safe asset shortage view of Caballero and Farhi (2014) is a financial issue which first and foremost influences the actual market interest rate on safe assets. The importance of distinguishing between real and monetary/financial factors has also been outlined by Borio and Disyatat (2011) and Spahn (2016).
- 39.
As outlined by Yellen (2015, p. 7), the extensive and long-lasting impact of the financial crisis as well as the resulting adjustment processes go beyond a purely cyclical phenomenon. Hence, the natural real interest rate (defined as a short-term real interest rate equating saving and investment at full employment in the medium to long run once cyclical factors have dissipated) is assumed to have declined in the aftermath of the crisis.
- 40.
As argued by Summers (2016b, p. 103), these underlying factors have likely contributed to the financial crisis. The crisis of 2008–2009 must therefore be considered an endogenous event which, in part, resulted from a growing imbalance between ex-ante saving and investment Summers 2016c. With reference to the Great Depression in the 1930s, Backhouse and Boianovsky (2016, p. 951) similarly mentioned, “The immediate origins of the crisis might be short-term, but its severity was the result of long-term structural factors.”
- 41.
The German economist von Weizsäcker (2016, p. 384) describes himself as a secular stagnationist who has pointed to the underlying issues prior to Summers (see von Weizsäcker 2010). In fact, while demographic aspects are at the heart of his analysis, his general position is close to Summers’s stagnation theory. Homburg (2015, p. 412), for example, in chronological order speaks of the Hansen–Weizsäcker–Summers stagnation hypothesis. Building on the capital theory of Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, von Weizsäcker (2013) refers to a “provision nightmare.” Aging societies, so the argument runs, postpone their time preferences into the future and increase their desired saving for old-age provision, which in turn provokes a decline in the natural interest rate. To increase demand and economic growth, the government should thus increase its debt-financed spending.
- 42.
Moore’s Law goes back to the empirical finding of Gordon E. Moore (1965) that the number of transistors on a computer chip tends to double every two years at constant costs, implying that costs (and prices) per computing power decline. In the past years, however, Moore himself and several economists have been rather skeptical as to whether this “law” is still valid. In an interview, Moore (2015) mentioned, “We won’t have the rate of progress that we’ve had over the last few decades. I think that’s inevitable with any technology; it eventually saturates out. I guess I see Moore’s Law dying here in the next decade or so, but that’s not surprising.” See also Gordon (2016, pp. 588–589). It remains to be seen whether advances in nanotechnology and other technological innovations can perpetuate Moore’s Law in the decades to come.
- 43.
As has been widely discussed in economic circles, Piketty (2014, pp. 220–221) in his magnum opus Capital in the Twenty-First Century assumes the elasticity of substitution between capital and labor to be larger than one. His assumption, however, has been criticized by various economists, including Rognlie (2014) and Semieniuk (2017).
- 44.
- 45.
As rightly outlined by Cochrane (2017), despite his plea for tax reforms that foster investment spending, Summers (2017c) has been surprisingly critical of the recent tax cuts implemented by the US government. In fact, Summers (2017c) defends his critical stance by pointing out that the tax cuts are shortsighted and do not seem to tackle any of the long-term, structural economic issues, such as the unequal distribution of income or the slow productivity growth rate. Moreover, he is afraid that the expected rise in government debt will result in (counterproductive) public spending cuts on infrastructure and social programs.
- 46.
Surprisingly, Summers (2015d) himself mentions that he is “[...] acutely aware of the lack of [...] simply relating the level of investment to the interest rate, and the level of savings to the interest rate.”
- 47.
In this sense, the zero lower bound on short-term nominal interest rates may be even a stabilizing factor, as it may prevent aggregate demand weaknesses from deteriorating (Palley 2016b, p. 35).
- 48.
As outlined by Palley (2016b, p. 20), though, Krugman (2014, p. 62) wrongly refers to the current zero lower bound issue as a liquidity trap. Hitting the zero lower bound on short-term nominal interest rates, however, does not require a conventional Keynesian liquidity trap. Following Keynes ([1936] 1973, p. 207), a liquidity trap is characterized by a perfectly elastic liquidity preference, i.e., a low demand for bonds and a horizontal liquidity preference–money supply (LM) schedule, implying that the central bank has “[...] lost effective control over the rate of interest.” The current situation of very low interest rates, however, is not characterized by such a Keynesian liquidity trap (Taylor 2014b; with reference to Japan in the late twentieth century, see also Palley 2000, pp. 281–282). After all, interest rates across advanced countries have been lowered through extensive quantitative easing programs. See also Lavoie (2018, p. 14).
- 49.
- 50.
Lo and Rogoff’s (2015) debt-supercycle hypothesis is similar to Koo’s (2014) balance sheet recession approach. Koo’s (2014) hypothesis, however, seems to be more long-run in nature, as he assumes long-term consequences for aggregate demand even after deleveraging is over. Moreover, Lo and Rogoff (2015) are much more skeptical of higher government spending, as it may result in unsustainable public debt-to-GDP ratios.
- 51.
- 52.
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Anselmann, C. (2020). Demand-Side Stagnation Theories. In: Secular Stagnation Theories. Springer Studies in the History of Economic Thought. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41087-2_3
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