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Bosnian Post-Refugee Transnationalism: The Theoretical Context

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Bosnian Post-Refugee Transnationalism

Abstract

This chapter locates Bosnian post-refuge transnationalism theoretically. In the first section, Bosnian post-refugee transnationalism is located within a broader field of international migration and theories of transnationalism and translocality. Here I argue for grounding of transnationalism between nation states of Bosnia and Ireland and highlight its enforced nature. The second part of the chapter introduces Goldberg’s (The Racial State, Blackwell, Malden, 2002) racial state theory. This theory is used to explain enforced nature of Bosnian post-refugee transnationalism. The final section looks at Foucault’s concepts of biopolitics and governmentality as a final layer in understanding Bosnian post-refugee transnationalism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    http://publications.europa.eu/webpub/com/factsheets/migration-crisis/en/.

  2. 2.

    It has been noted that even when the period of temporary protection became prolonged, certain states would still refuse the resettlement option to people in limbo. For example, more than six million of the almost ten million refugees in the world in 2003 had been displaced for more than five years, a period of displacement described by UNHCR as ‘protracted’, yet no long-term solution was offered to them towards resettlement. This actuality has been described and criticised as ‘warehousing” of refugees (Collyer 2006: 98).

  3. 3.

    http://www.toktenlebanon.org/.

  4. 4.

    http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/mida-africa/.

  5. 5.

    The EU Commission has included proposals to significantly extend the limited resettlement programmes that currently operate in a few EU Member States (Commission of the European Communities, Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament: ‘On the managed entry into the EU of persons in need of international protection and the enhancement of the protection capacity of the regions of origin (“improving Access to a Durable Solution”)’, Brussels, European Union, COM, 2004, 410 final, 4 June 2004).

  6. 6.

    I acknowledge that ‘force’ is a problematic term and that there is a level of force present in other migrations too, however, not as poignantly as in refugee movements.

  7. 7.

    A programme refugee means a person to whom leave to enter and remain in the State for temporary protection or resettlement as part of a group of persons has been given by the Government (Refugee Act 1996).

  8. 8.

    One century later the population of the metropolis had reached just under one million, as recorded in the census of 1801.

  9. 9.

    Later on the author elaborates on his argument in relation to a number of cities and states.

  10. 10.

    For discussion regarding this shift towards cultural racism, see Wright (1998) and on culturalisation of politics, see Zizek (2008).

  11. 11.

    Eric Voegelin (1977/1933) distinguishes between the concept of race and the idea of race. He sees the concept of race as a scientific concept composed of a set of false notions with no basis in provable scientific fact. The idea of race on the other hand refers to a well-ordered system of political dogmas.

  12. 12.

    Personal communication and response to some of the conference papers that I have presented. Also for an argument against Ireland being racial state, see Fanning (2007). For more general discussion and criticism regarding The Threat of Race, see Patterns of Prejudice (2010) Vol. 44/1.

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Halilovic-Pastuovic, M. (2020). Bosnian Post-Refugee Transnationalism: The Theoretical Context. In: Bosnian Post-Refugee Transnationalism. Palgrave Pivot, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39564-3_2

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