Abstract
Based on a definition of diaspora as “dispersion or spread of any people from their original homeland” (OED), this chapter aims to examine the main phenomena of the intellectual migration of Italian economists during the twenty years of fascism. The study aims to present a first overview of the times, modes and places of this diaspora, examining its different typologies: expulsion from teaching for political reasons (Attilio Cabiati, Francesco Saverio Nitti, Antonio Graziadei and Umberto Ricci), withdrawal to private life in order not to take the oath of loyalty to the Fascist Party (Antonio De Viti de Marco), the search for solid and secure academic positions abroad (Piero Sraffa), the obstacles to the entry of young professors in the university staff (Dino Jarach and Franco Modigliani), the economists imprisoned (Arturo Labriola and Antonio Pesenti) or confined (Ernesto Rossi). Also for a question of numbers, the work identifies the racial laws of 1938 as the fulcrum of the narrative. For each of the ten professors discriminated against by this legislation (Gino Arias, Riccardo Bachi, Roberto Bachi, Gustavo Del Vecchio, Marco Fanno, Bruno Foà, Renzo Fubini, Gino Luzzatto, Giorgio Mortara, Angelo Segré), essential indications are given on the dynamics of dismission from academic ranks, the places of destination and, when this happened, the time of their reintegration and the reasons for eventual refusals. Added to this are the personal stories of the three economists affected by racial laws when they were already retired as university professors (Riccardo Dalla Volta, Augusto Graziani and Achille Loria) and the tragic death in Auschwitz Birkenau concentration camp of two professors (Riccardo Dalla Volta and Renzo Fubini).
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Notes
- 1.
In total, 97 members of faculty (Zevi 1990). Only 28 were reintegrated after the war, and among them only the economists Riccardo Bachi, Del Vecchio, Fanno, Luzzatto and Mortara. Finzi (1998) has written of the “persecuted” becoming “usurpers” due to the conflict of interest that was created between their right to be redeployed and the preservation of the role of professors brought in after 1938. The Jews who returned were placed in oversubscribed positions. Their reintegration was only one aspect of the delicate and longstanding question of the restoration of the ancient rights of Italian Jews (e.g. Pavan and Schwarz 2001; Finzi 2003; Galimi and Procacci 2009). The most recent rule relating to this corrective legislation is of 2003 (see the full list in Yael Franzone 2012, 145–151).
- 2.
Pugliese went into exile in Córdoba (Argentina), where he died on 19 February 1940. He founded the Rivista di scienza delle finanze e diritto finanziario with Benvenuto Griziotti and Ezio Vanoni (Cipollina 2018).
- 3.
We have not considered other cases of economists kept under police surveillance. The most famous were: Arturo Labriola (moved to France and Belgium, staying there until 1935), Antonio Pesenti (imprisoned from 1935 to 1943), Ernesto Rossi (exiled to Ventotene with Altiero Spinelli and Eugenio Colorni). Some younger figures like Dino Jarach and Franco Modigliani could not find work in Italy. Jarach was advised to go to Argentina by Griziotti and spent his entire career there. Modigliani emigrated to the United States in 1939 and became an American citizen in 1946 (Marucco 1970; Pesenti 1972; Fiori 1997; Smolensky and Vigevani Jarach 1998, 244; Michelini 2019).
- 4.
Nitti established himself in Zurich and then in Paris (June 1924). He escaped after a group of fascists ransacked his house. He returned in 1945 and was elected to the Constitutional Assembly as a member of the liberal group. As the only living political leader of the pre-fascist ruling class he believed that he would be given the role of provisional head of state in 1946. However, Enrico De Nicola was elected.
- 5.
Considering that Sraffa’s sojourn in Cambridge is well known, we will not dwell on it here. For the 1920s and the reasons for his exile see Naldi (1998a, b). See also File number 4277 of the Casellario Politico Centrale (Archivio Centrale dello Stato, ACS, Roma) which mistakenly gives his first name as Pietro.
- 6.
To these twelve should be added the others who retired in order to avoid taking the oath (Antonio De Viti de Marco, Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, etc.) and those who left the country (like Sraffa).
- 7.
Enrico Catellani has written that every “generation has the [moral] obligation to pass on in greater strength the legacy transmitted to it by those that preceded it” (1907, 24). The downward spiral of fascism broke this cycle, disrupting the lives of two generations of scientists and denying them this rightful privilege.
- 8.
According to Mussolini “the racial problem did not explode unexpectedly […] It stands in relation to the conquest of the Empire. […] And for the prestige [of the Empire] we must make clear not only differences, but also very definite superiorities”. It was necessary to close any openings for “worldwide Judaism […] the irreconcilable enemy of Fascism”. 1938 followed sixteen years in which the Italian “semitic elements [had taken part in an] out-and-out onslaught” on positions of power (quoted in Sarfatti 2013, 107–108).
- 9.
“Mussolini does not persecute Jews; he does not dismiss hundreds of professors. He has, it is true, requested an oath from them, but then leaves them free in their scientific views. […] Mussolini does not burn books in the public squares and leaves it to Hitler to pride himself on having reenacted the burning of the Library of Alexandria. He does not cleanse academies and respects science” (Letter to Mussolini, July 1933 quoted in Capristo 2013, 87).
- 10.
Antonio Allocati solved the “p.n.f” acronym used by Graziani: it meant “per nostra fortuna” (fortunately for us), being a pun on PNF (National Fascist Party). This supposition is plausible because Graziani was the grandfather of Allocati’s wife.
- 11.
For a view of Einaudi as the man who supplied the tools with which to “graft corporatism into the trunk of economic theory” and to “save the [flourishing] tree of classical theory”, see Amoroso, 19 February 1945 quoted in Giaconi (in this volume, chapter “The Purging of Fascist Economists in Post-war Italy”, footnote 17). “Classical” or rather “non-corporative” without any other connotation in terms of “schools”.
- 12.
Foà also alludes to a widespread anti-Keynesianism that matured as a manifestation of anti-fascism without any real theoretical basis with which to oppose the pro-regime interpretation of the British economist provided above all by De’ Stefani. The economists discovered the true Keynes outside of Italy or after the war. Mortara, on the other hand, explains how behind the choice of their final destination was a question that was anagraphic and related to academic level. He states that the English-speaking countries welcomed only the young economists and those without a degree. There were no professorships left because so many spaces had been taken by the North European intellectual migration that began after the rise of Nazism. Mortara opted for Brazil, Arias chose Argentina. The location of Del Vecchio and the two Bachis in countries that were academically peripheral like Switzerland and Israel seem to support these observations, as does the fact that Segré reached the United States but joined a literary faculty.
- 13.
See above footnote 11.
- 14.
Art. 14, R.D.L. 17 November 1938, no. 1728 which provided the right to request a dispensation in the following cases: having been or being the descendants of war veterans or those decorated in war; those who belonged to the PNF from 1919, and those holding official merits.
- 15.
Capristo (2002, 190–363) named all the institutions from which every single Italian and foreign member was removed. He listed the following economists: Arias, Bachi (Roberto and Riccardo), Dalla Volta, Del Vecchio, Fanno, Foà, Fubini, Graziani, Loria, Luzzatto, Mortara, Pugliese, Charles Rist, E.R.A. Seligman, Sraffa and the unknown Yakir Behar of Tel Aviv.
- 16.
De Viti, who retired in 1931, had not given up his academic qualifications. In 1938 he took part in the census in order to keep hold of them.
- 17.
Bianchi Bandinelli is also credited with the study of a fanciful attempt to assassinate Hitler and Mussolini during the Führer’s visit to Italy in 1938.
- 18.
Baffigi and Magnani (2009, 246) provides a reproduction of the form completed by Mortara for his university.
- 19.
According to Mortara his attachment to citizenship was the most perfect exemplification of his patriotism (ibid., 240–242).
- 20.
Original underlining. The underlining in the following quotations all conform to the original texts, except those indicated. On the subject of the collaboration of the economists with partisan newspapers and generalist and regime magazines during fascism, see the writings on this subject in this volume (chapter “From Nationalism to Fascism: Protagonists and Journals”).
- 21.
Books by Labriola (Polemica antifascista. 1919. Naples: Cecchi; Voltaire e la filosofia liberale. N.d. N.p., n.p.) together with Machiavelli’s Prince and to the works of Piero Gobetti, Alberto Moravia, André Gide, Lev Trotsky, Luigi Salvatorelli, Giovanni Amendola, don Luigi Sturzo, etc.
- 22.
The cruel joke by the PNF secretary, Achille Starace, is unfortunately famous: “He died like a Jew: he threw himself off a tower to save himself a bullet”.
- 23.
These were titles mostly from the 1920s, with differing levels of international penetration: Riccardo Bachi (1926). L’alimentazione e la politica annonaria in Italia; Augusto Graziani (1921). Ricardo e Mill; Giorgio Mortara (1925). La salute pubblica in Italia durante e dopo la guerra; Friedrich Naumann (1918–1919). Mitteleuropa, translated by Luzzatto; Giuseppe Prato (1919). Riflessi storici dell’economia di guerra; Id. (1925). Il Piemonte e gli effetti della guerra nella sua vita economica e sociale; Walther Rathenau (1919–1922). Economia nuova, translated by Luzzatto. The only cult work mentioned is the Freudian Totem e tabù, transposed by Edoardo Weiss (1930).
- 24.
Rome: Istituto Giovanni Treccani, 1929–1937, 35 vols.; Appendix, 1938.
- 25.
Fondazione Giovanni Gentile, Archivio Gentile, b. 12, Elenco delle voci che furono oggetto di discussione fra i Prof. Benini, Bresciani e De’ Stefani (1926). “Agriculture”, “wealth” and “saving” were re-assigned to Enrico Fileni, Ulisse Gobbi and Carlo Draghi; “economic assets” and “savings banks” were eliminated.
- 26.
The example of Agostino Lanzillo is symptomatic of this. The economist had greeted and publicly thanked Luzzatto for the commitment and seriousness he had shown throughout his career but cut this part out of the version of the speech sent for publication in the Ca’ Foscari Annuario (Casellato 2018, 71). On this subject, and the conviction of the other rectors, see Cianferotti (2004).
- 27.
Arias, unable to prove himself a “Fascist, Catholic and Italian”, emigrated to Argentina. “He asked to be considered non-Jewish, but was unable to document this legally” (Franceschi 2014, 34n). He was replaced by the holder of the professorship of financial sciences, Guglielmo Masci. He then taught at the University of Tucumán and the University of Córdoba, founded the Revista de Economía y Estadistica and was a target of criticism from the nationalist and fascist journal Crisol precisely because of his “race”. His daughter described him as “a severe Catholic thinker of Israelite origin” (Smolensky and Vigevani Jarach 1998, 245). He died in 1940. For his part Del Vecchio was at the centre of a two-stage purge from the university that he had served as rector and dean: he was removed in 1938 and investigated by the anti-fascist commission, as he narrates in Una nuova persecuzione contro un perseguitato (Rome: tip. Artigiana, 1945).
- 28.
Riccardo Bachi was the economist most closely connected to the Zionist tradition. In 1938 he was a member of the Commission of the Union of the Italian Jewish Communities that organised the continuation of studies for those who had been expelled from public schools (Minerbi 1998, 716–717). On Bachi, who was rejuvenated by his stay in Israel, to the point that even his appearance and posture changed, and on his conviction that “a human ideal derived” from the Torah, see Ratti (1960, 51–68). Colloqui con me stesso (Rome: tip. del Senato, 1952) is the work that most reveals the willingness to hide the economist behind the mask of a pious man. In Tel Aviv he obtained a university lectureship and taught in high schools. He returned in 1946 due to his lack of linguistic ability.
- 29.
Everything is in the Archivio Storico dell’Università di Genova, Fascicoli docenti, Bachi Roberto. See also Rollandi (1993, passim; 2002, 478–482). He led the Israeli Central Institute of Statistics up to 1971 and established the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. After the Italian Concordat with the Catholic Church in 1929, he argued in favour of a Jewish education for primary school students capable of counterbalancing the teachings of state schools (Minerbi 1998, 705).
- 30.
Archivio Storico dell’Università di Milano, Ufficio Personale, 2151, Mortara Giorgio. This is an undated annotation, copied from the Bollettino Ufficiale [della Pubblica Istruzione]. In his Ricordi, Mortara wrote about having been naturalised as a Brazilian and that the amendment was made in 1956 (1985, 45–47). The other person to renounce his citizenship was Foà. He established himself in the United States, after a brief stay in the United Kingdom. He held prestigious positions in both countries (Foà 1990; Steve 1990).
- 31.
Lenti was also a prolific memorialist. See his works for the Nuova Antologia, and especially “La ‘Bocconi’ negli anni del fascismo” (Nuova Antologia, December 1970).
- 32.
Del Vecchio was full professor at the University of Bologna but the aforementioned events left his relationship with the university in the background. The purge is also poorly documented in the personal file in the university’s archive. Bologna was the university that took him back after the war.
- 33.
- 34.
Gentile hoped that the racial laws would not apply to Mortara (ibid.).
- 35.
Archivio Storico dell’Università di Genova, Fascicoli docenti, Cabiati Attilio. Cabiati had discussed with Thaon di Revel the issue of the real coercive power of a law perceived by citizens as “anti-juridical” (Rollandi 1993, 287). The economist does not appear to have understood that he had raised a “scandalous” argument because this theory, if taken to extremes, leads to conscientious objection as a key that opens the door to the breakup of totalitarianisms.
- 36.
The process and the supporting documents of the case are in the series Atti (1938–1939) of the Ministry of National Education and in the Ministerial file on the economist (Marchionatti 2011, passim).
- 37.
Archivio Storico dell’Università di Genova, Fascicoli docenti, Cabiati Attilio, which also contains his wife’s will with provisions to ensure that the home assistance would not be interrupted in the event that he outlived her (1948). He had become ill in around 1940.
- 38.
Archivio Storico dell’Università di Parma, Fascicoli docenti, Graziadei Antonio, Letter to Solazzi (10 June 1946). From 1928 to 1945 he lived mainly in Volta Mantovana. During his absence, his replacement was Raffaele Cognetti de Martiis, the son of Salvatore.
- 39.
Officially he held the seat in agricultural economics (the other economics professorships were all taken). Graziadei was reintegrated in two ways. In 1928, he had been expelled from Gramsci and Bordiga’s Italian Communist Party for “Marxist revisionism” and intellectually sidelined.
- 40.
To the three economists named at the start of this chapter should be added Ettore Del Vecchio, professor of financial mathematics.
- 41.
The racial laws drove away from Trieste a scientific figure who personified a subject—that of economic history—that was still undeveloped and multifaceted, in which the Segré brothers and the founder Luzzatto coexisted. Angelo Segré was trained as a legal papyrologist in the Florentine school of Girolamo Vitelli and had a special interest in the study of monetary systems of the ancient world, which also made him an economic historian. Even now there has never been an essay dedicated to this aspect of his studies (Frezza 1970; Canfora 2005, passim). His brother was the winner of the 1959 Nobel Prize for Physics, Emilio Segré, one of the creators of the atomic bomb. Hereditary disputes but above all his profound abhorrence of nuclear experimentation undermined Angelo’s relationship with his brother, especially in the years of their American exile. He believed that a cauldron had been uncovered by men who he believed to be not very sapiens (Segré 1995, 213). It cannot be excluded that this contributed to his return to Florence in 1946 and to his decision to end his academic career and devote himself to painting. He had worked in the Department of Ancient History of Columbia University.
- 42.
In a CV prepared for Harvard in 1942, Hirschman said that his tutor in Trieste was the statistician and converted Jew Pierpaolo Luzzatto Fegiz. He did not name Fubini, despite the fact that the announcement of his graduation had also been published in the local newspaper Il Piccolo (3 July 1938) (Fubini 2014, 40–48; https://mostlyeconomics.wordpress.com/2018/08/07/albert-hirschmanns-cv-for-job-application-at-harvard-1942/). In America, Hirschman altered his surname, removing the second ‘n.’
- 43.
One of Ricci’s fellow faculty members was Costantino Bresciani Turroni. His migration was not the result of wanting to protect himself politically. Bresciani did not leave Italy and was not the subject of police action, being skilled in exploiting situations that presented themselves to hide feelings that were not favourable towards the regime. He taught in Egypt as a delegate professor of the University of Milan and was able to return without any problem. See in relation to him his file and booklets relating to his lectures of the early 1940s preserved by the University historical archive. This reconstruction is also confirmed by the fact that Bresciani was not figured in the Rubrica di frontiera [Frontier Rubric] of the Casellario Politico Centrale [Central Political Records] in which all Italian “subversives” living even temporarily abroad were registered, their political surveillance being continued uninterrupted. Apart from Ricci (under surveillance from 1926–1942), there appear in this: Graziadei (1898–1945), Arturo Labriola (1896–1941), Enrico Leone (1896–1938), Nitti (1927–1943), Carlo Rosselli (1931–1938) and Sraffa (1931–1941). Apart from the liberals Nitti and Ricci, the other dossiers opened during the liberal period and added to by the fascist police relate to economists of the left.
- 44.
Biblioteca comunale di Lucera (FG), Fondo Antonio Salandra. Salandra was the leader of the faction of the Liberal Party to which also Ricci belonged. After the Matteotti murder and the totalitarian turn of 1925, it fell on Ricci to take on the burden of announcing his party’s decision to leave the government. Ricci was part of the network of advisors to Minister De’ Stefani. He also worked with the Egyptian government.
- 45.
Marsili Libelli wrote that he and Jacopo Mazzei had turned to the German consulate to stop Dalla Volta’s deportation. He also mentioned that the German ambassador had taken an interest (1957, 17–18).
- 46.
Letter to Eugenia Jona (26 October 1944) listed among the materials for his defence against being purged (in this volume, Giaconi, chapter “The Purging of Fascist Economists in Post-war Italy”). In the autumn of 1933, offensive accusations were made against the sanity of the elderly Neapolitan economist, with demands that he be removed from the professorship on the basis that he did not respond to any of the invitations to correct his teaching (he was deaf and blind towards fascism). He was saved by the compromise of changing discipline in order to take on the less politically exposed science of finance (Allocati 1990, xvl–xlvi).
- 47.
Archivio Storico del Senato, Atti, FSR, 1291, Loria Achille. There followed a basic curriculum, including his academic qualifications and honours. On the advice of Beneduce, Mortara addressed himself directly to the Duce’s personal secretary, asking him to intercede with the authorities in charge and obtain the expatriation permit. He did not ask for “privileges” for himself but wanted only to secure his children’s future (Baffigi and Magnani, 247–250).
- 48.
Archivio Storico del Senato, Atti, cit., Letter of the President of the Senate (5 November 1938). He had to go to the commission in charge. On 5 January 1939 he was informed of the resolution in favour of discriminating against all Jewish senators (ibid.).
- 49.
- 50.
Luzzatto remained in the Venice area and found a safe haven in the Roman house of the historian Raffaele Ciasca after 8 September 1943. Fanno found refuge in the silence of the Paduan countryside and in the Benedictine abbey of Praglia.
- 51.
Fanno, together with Del Vecchio, taught students from the Jewish communities of Milan and Turin who had been expelled from public institutions (Antonelli 2002, 178). His professorship was assigned to Francesco A. Repaci.
- 52.
Fubini’s pseudonym, also for the Rivista di Storia Economica, was R.U. Ferrante (Fabre 1988, 387).
- 53.
I thank Antonella Sattin for allowing me to consult a transcription of this speech, which is no longer included among the materials digitised by the Luzzatto Archive (https://phaidra.cab.unipd.it/collections/ca_foscari_archivio_gino_luzzatto). The manuscript is kept in his Ca’ Foscari personnel file.
- 54.
A teacher of statistics in Rome and signatory to the Manifesto of Race (La Difesa della Razza, I, 1, 5 August 1938, 2).
- 55.
ACS, Segreteria Particolare del Duce, Carteggio Riservato, W/R, Serpieri on. Arrigo.
- 56.
I refer mainly to: Segreteria Particolare del Duce (Carteggio ordinario e riservato); Divisione Polizia Politica (1926–1945); Ufficio Confino di Polizia (1926–1943) of Ministry of the Interior; Casellario Politico Centrale all preserved in the ACS (personal files ad vocem). The last archive is the keystone. The register of persons deemed dangerous to order and public security was established by Crispi in 1894 and dissolved in 1946, thus making possible a precise reflection on the modification of the degree of political control before and during fascism. The analytical perspective would be that of a comparative nature to verify how much vigilance has changed in form and substance according to the positioning of people on this or the other side of political affiliation to the regime. On fascism and the police, see Canali (2005).
- 57.
See chapter “The Purging of Fascist Economists in Post-war Italy” in this volume.
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Giaconi, D. (2020). The Diaspora of Italian Economists: Intellectual Migration Between Politics and Racial Laws. In: Augello, M., Guidi, M., Bientinesi, F. (eds) An Institutional History of Italian Economics in the Interwar Period — Volume II. Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38331-2_7
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