Abstract
This essay investigates the interlacing of Daoist Philosophy and Victorian Evolutionism in Yan Fu’s comment on and reinterpretation of both Lao Zi’s Daode Jing as well as Wang Bi’s annotation of this seminal Daoist classic. Following some preliminary comments, I will discuss in Sect. 12.2 how Yan Fu’s commentary shows the intersections of many trends in the intellectual and political culture of Late-Qing China (1840–1911), including the search for ways to strengthen the nation, the acceptance of Western knowledge, the revival of Pre-Qin Chinese (Pre-221 BCE) thought, and the tradition of annotating the Daode Jing. In Sect. 12.3, I will examine how Western science and evolutionary biology draw Yan Fu’s attention to the latent concepts of “desire,” “nature” and “force” in the Daode Jing. I will further address how, through the metaphysics in Wang Bi’s annotation and reconstruction of Lao Zi’s thought, Yan Fu draws a connection among the function of desire, the operation of the Dao and the forming of myriad things to argue about the impetus or inner driving force in the process of evolution. Section 12.4 deals with how Yan Fu redefines the natural way of the Dao in Lao Zi’s political thought of non-action through Spencer’s theory of the development of a social organism and how, in terms of the working of the force of the Dao, Yan Fu reinterprets evolution and survival in natural selection as a “natural way” in the nationalist agenda of strengthening the country. This essay, thus, demonstrates how Yan Fu accepts Darwinism and Spencerism through Lao Zi’s and Wang Bi’s metaphysics and therefore constructs a Daoist and nationalist discourse of evolutionism.
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Notes
- 1.
All references to Yan Fu’s commentary on the Daode Jing will be indicated by the author’s name and page number. In addition, the texts of Lao Zi and Wang Bi which I cite come from Yan Fu’s Houguan yanshi pingdian Laozi (Commentary on Lao Zi by Mr. Yan of Houguan) will also be indicated by the author’s name and page number.
- 2.
The number in the citation refers to the chapter number in the Daode Jing.
- 3.
Wing-tsit Chan argues that the concept of “De” in Lao Zi’s political thought refers to the “latent power” and also includes the connotation of “moral excellence” (A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy 790).
- 4.
Unless otherwise indicated, I translate the Chinese texts in this essay into English by myself. The exception is that my translation of Lao Zi’s Daode Jing and Wang Bi’s annotation relies largely on Rudolf G. Wagner’s English translation.
- 5.
As to the diverse interpretations of the Daode Jing in different historical periods, please see Zhonguo laoxue shi (The history of the study of Lao Zi in China) by Xiong Tieji, Ma Lianghuai and Liu Shaojun. As to Heshang Gong’s and Wang Bi’s annotations of the Daode Jing, please see Alan K.L. Chan’s Two Visions of the Way, Liu Lingdi’s Hanwei liuchao laoxue yanjiu (Research on the study of Lao Zi in the Han Dynasty, Wei Dynasty and Six Dynasties), and Yu Dunkang’s Weijin Xuanxue shi (The history of Wei-Jin Metaphysics). As to Song Confucian interpretation of the Daode Jing, please see Chiang Shu-Chun’s Songdai laozi xue quanshi de yili xiangdu (The dimensions of thought in the interpretation of Lao Zi during the Song Dynasty).
- 6.
See Chiang Shu-Chun’s Mingdai laozi xue quanshi de yili xiangdu (The dimensions of thought in the interpretation of Lao Zi during the Ming Dynasty).
- 7.
See Liu Sihe’s Qingdai laoxue shigao (The history of the study of Lao Zi in the Qing dynasty) and Wang Chuang’s Qingdai laoxue yan jiu (Research on the study of Lao Zi in the Qing dynasty).
- 8.
In the Late-Qing period, despite the rise of Wang Bi’s version of the Daode Jing, Heshang Gong’s version was still appreciated by certain intellectuals. For instance, in the Tongcheng School, Wu Rulun and Ma Qichang still used Hesheng Gong’s version rather than Wang Bi’s version.
- 9.
In recent research, many scholars have discussed how Yan Fu reinterprets Lao Zi’s thought in light of evolutionary theory. For instance, in In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West, Benjamin Schwartz argues that “Yen Fu’s claims for Lao-tzu as a philosopher favorable to science rest on the assumed affinity of his thought to that of Spencer” (202). In China and Charles Darwin, James Reeve Pusey points out that, “thanks to Darwin and Spencer, … [Yan Fu identifies the Dao] with progress and evolution, and he [takes] comfort in the faith that the [Dao is] bearing mankind upwards” (171). In Chinese scholarship, Wu Chan-liang has elaborated on how Yan Fu tries to search for a unified Dao among Western science, evolutionary theory, Daoism and Confucianism. Wang Zhongjiang studies how Yan Fu reconsiders Daoist philosophy in light of Western science (100–108). In scholarly works on the interpretation and annotation of the Daode Jing during the Qing period, Liu Sihe and Wang Chuang pay attention to the intellectual culture in which Yan Fu comments on the Daode Jing (Liu Sihe 365–405; Wang Chuang 308–317). Besides, in historical research on the modern study of the Daode Jing, Li Cheng and Liu Gusheng situate Yan Fu’s commentary on the Daode Jing in the context of the intersection between Western and Chinese academics (Li Cheng 234–254; Liu Gusheng 288–304). Nevertheless, without a deep understanding of all of the sources in Yan Fu’s commentary on the Daode Jing—that is, Lao Zi’s cosmology and metaphysics, Spencer’s epistemology, metaphysics and theory of social evolution, and Darwin’s philosophy of biology—scholars still fail to analyze how Yan Fu reconnects the ideas from different systems of knowledge on a metaphysical level. Moreover, no scholar has paid attention to how the metaphysical thought in Wang Bi’s annotation of the Daode Jing influences Yan Fu’s understanding of Lao Zi’s thought and enables Yan Fu to accept Western evolutionary thought through Daoist metaphysics and cosmology.
- 10.
In the collection of essays entitled “Daojia wenhua yanjiu 28: Yan Fu Zhuanhao” (The study of Daoist culture: a special issue on Yan Fu), Li Chenggui discusses how Yan Fu reevaluates Chinese traditions of cosmology and metaphysics in terms of modern Western science (256–273), and Han Likun argues about the “metaphysication” of science in Yan Fu’s thought (274–290). Both of these essays concern the interaction between Western science and Chinese metaphysics in Yan Fu’s thought, but unlike my essay they do not focus on Lao Zi’s metaphysics and Victorian biological science.
- 11.
Rudolf G. Wagner is right to argue that we cannot presuppose “a Laozi with an intrinsic meaning” (A Chinese Reading of the Daodejing 116). That is to say, the meaning of the original text of the Daode Jing is “interpretable” and there is not an authentic meaning of this Daoist classic. We cannot understand this ancient text without annotation, and our understanding of its meaning is unavoidably influenced by annotation. However, even though there is no authentic meaning of the Daode Jing, I contend that in many parts of Wang Bi’s annotation of the Daode Jing, we can still observe the nuanced or obvious difference between the meaning of the original text and the meaning constructed by annotation.
- 12.
My English translation of Lao Zi’s and Wang Bis’ texts relies largely on Rudolf G. Wagner’s A Chinese Reading of the Daodejing: Wang Bi’s Commentary on the Lao Zi with Critical Text and Translation. All references to this book will be indicated by the translator’s name and page number. I rely on this work because Wagner’s translation of the Daode Jing and Yan Fu’s understanding of the Daode Jing are based on Wang Bi’s annotation. However, as Wagner himself points out, his translation and explanation of the text of the Daode Jing is “an extrapolative reading of the Lao Zi text through Wang Bi’s commentary” (116). Since the imposing of Wang Bi’s thought on Lao Zi’s Daode Jing in Wagner’s strategy of English translation erases the nuanced difference between Wang Bi’s understanding of the Daode Jing and the meaning of Lao Zi’s original text, I modify and revise Wagner’s English translation in a substantial way. In addition, I utilize Wing-Tsit Chan’s English translation of the Daode Jing for reference.
- 13.
See Chang Hao’s Chinese Intellectuals in Crisis: Search for Order and Meaning, 1890–1911.
- 14.
See the chapter “Zhuzi xue yu wanqing xueshu” (Pre-Qin thinkers and Late-Qing academia) in Liu Zhonghua’s Qindai zhuzi xue yanjiu (Research on the study of Pre-Qin thinkers in the Qing Dynasty).
- 15.
In existing research, there are two major interpretations regarding Yan Fu’s purpose of translating and accepting Western thoughts. Schwartz argues that Yan Fu’s translations are informed by his preoccupation with the search for national power and wealth. Nevertheless, Wu Chan-liang contends that Yan Fu pays equal attention to Chinese thoughts and that Yan Fu’s reading of Western thoughts is not just to search for the way to achieve national power and wealth. Instead, Yan Fu attempts to search Chinese and Western thoughts for the Dao, the ultimate truth or the universal principle of the world. As to Yan Fu’s search for the Dao and his synthetic construction of a new philosophical system, see Wu Chan-liang’s three papers in the bibliography.
- 16.
See Yu Ying-shi’s Songming lixue yu zhengzhi wenhua (Neo-Confucianism and political culture in Song and Ming Dynasties): pp. 197–248.
- 17.
Scholars still have debate over the exact year when Wei Yuan wrote Laozi Benyi.
- 18.
Chen Sanli wrote Laozi zhu 老子注 (Annotation of Lao Zi) and Yi Peishen wrote Laozi jie 老子解 (Explanation of Lao Zi). My attention is drawn to these works by Liu Sihe’s Qingdai laoxue shigao (The history of the study of Lao Zi in the Qing Dynasty), from which I quote the passages of Chen Sanli and Yi Peishen (338; 343).
- 19.
While it is not clear whether Yan Fu had read Wei Yuan’s Laozi Benyi, we know that Chen Sanli was a bosom friend of Yan Fu and had a close relationship with the family of Yi Peishen. All of their reinterpretations of the Daode Jing show a strong sense of political activism. In “Yanfu ruhe pingdian laozi” (How does Yan Fu comment on Lao Zi), Cai Lesu discusses how Chen Sanli and Xiong Jilian 熊季廉 encouraged Yan Fu to comment on the Daode Jing (212–220).
- 20.
In the School of Tongcheng, Yao Nai 姚鼐 (1732–1815) wrote Laozi Zhangyi 老子章義 (The meaning of the chapters of Lao Zi) in 1783, Wu Rulun 吳汝綸 (1840–1903) wrote Diankan laozi duben 點勘老子讀本 (Proofreading and correcting the text of Lao Zi) in 1885, and Ma Qichang 馬其昶 (1855–1930) wrote Laozi Gu 老子故 (The explication of Lao Zi) in 1920. As for the annotations of the Daode Jing in the Tongcheng School, see Zhao Dan’s Tongcheng pai laoxue yanjiu (Research on the study of Lao Zi in the School of Tongcheng).
- 21.
As one of the precursors of the School of Tongcheng, Yao Nai, who embraces Song (960–1276) Confucian thought of Cheng Hao 程顥 (1032–1085), Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), argues that “there is only one Dao in the world” 天下道一而已 and that “the original purpose of Lao Zi is like that of Confucius” 老子之初志, 亦如孔子 (172–173). In his annotation of the Daode Jing, Yao Nai equates the idea of Dao in Lao Zi’s thought with the Confucian idea of “Li” 禮, which refers to the rituals, customs, social mores or institutions. As he puts it, “[Lao Zi] intends to search for the original purpose in the establishment of the ritual and institution by early sage-Kings” 以求先王制禮之本義 (172). In Yao Nai’s interpretation of the Daode Jing, the search for the Dao is the search for an ideal way of governance and a pristine order of society and politics. By the same token, Ma Qichang, publishing his annotation of the Daode Jing after Yan Fu’s, argues that “Lao Zi likes to discuss governance instead of being oblivious of the world” 老子喜言治, 非忘世者 and that Lao Zi deals with “the regulation of the state and self” 理國、理身 (171). The interpretation of the Dao in the annotation of the Daode Jing by the School of Tongcheng shows a political concern about the governance of the state. As to Yao Nai’s interpretation of Daoism, please read Zuo Xiuhui’s Lun yaonai de laozhuang yanjiu (On Yan Nai’s study of Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi).
- 22.
Owing to the ambiguity of the subject in the sentences of this Chinese passage, traditional annotators and modern scholars have two kinds of interpretations as to the subject that has “desire” or “no desire.” Heshang Gong (1) and the contemporary scholar Fu Peirong (9–11) hold that the subject of this sentence is the observer and for them it is the observer who has “desire” or “no desire.” By contrast, Wagner, who interprets the Daode Jing through Wang Bi’s annotation, holds that the subject who has “desire” or “no desire” in this sentence is “things” (121). I argue that while these two kinds of interpretations differ in the subject, they do not necessarily conflict with each other. My English translation aims to indicate that “as having no desire” and “as having desire” are two perspectives from which an observer can perceive things. If an observer perceives things “as having no desire,” he sees how the “subtlety” of the Dao is manifested. If an observer perceives things as “having desire,” he sees how the Dao grants things “a desire” (an impetus) to move to a certain “final point,” which means the outcome of the working of the Dao in the shaping of things. To sum up, whether the things have “no desire” or “desire” depends on how an observer views them.
- 23.
Traditional Chinese annotators and modern scholars have tried to figure out what the possessive “its” or “their” (“Qi” 其) refers to. Wing-Tsit Chan holds that the possessor of “subtly” and “outcome” is “things” (139), whereas Heshang Gong’s annotation (1) and Wanger’s English translation on the basis of Wang Bi’s annotation (121) show that they consider the possessor of subtly and outcome to be “the Dao” or “the ultimate principle.”
- 24.
This is a substantial modification of Wagner’s translation (121).
- 25.
In Yanfu pingdian gushu sanzhong yu xixue huitong yanjiu (The study of Yan Fu’s commentary on three old books and his synthesis of Western and Chinese academics), Shih Shuanlong insightfully indicates that Yan Fu’s commentaries on the Daode Jing, Zhuang Zi and the poetry of Wang Anshi should be understood in light of their intertextuality with Tianyan lun.
- 26.
I take Wagner’s translation for reference (121).
- 27.
In Laozi zhuyi ji pingjie (The annotation, translation, explication and introduction of Lao Zi), Chen Guying lists several traditional annotations on “Jiao” 徼, pointing out that for Lu Mingde 陸明德, Dong Sijing 董思靖 and Wu Cheng 吳澄, this Chinese character means “Bian” 邊 or “Bian Ji” 邊際, that is, the border, side or end (55–56).
- 28.
In Wang Bi’s annotation, the “Jiao” 徼 in the Daode Jing means “Guizhong” 歸終 (return to the ultimate point). A question arises as to why the Dao completes things at an ultimate point is to “return” to this point. In the language of classical Chinese, the character “Gui” 歸 (return) can mean “Qu” 趨 (go to or move forward)—see the examples like “Sutu tonggui” 殊途同歸 (Come from different paths to “go to/return to” the same end) in the entry of “Gui” 歸 in Kangxi zidian 康熙字典 (The dictionary of the Emperor Kang Xi). This implies that one goes forward to a place which he should go to just as he is supposed to return home. In this sense, the “Jiao” refers to the final point to which the Dao should go forward, and this final point is the place where the Dao completes and finalizes the forming of things.
- 29.
This is based on Wagner’s translation (121).
- 30.
See Wagner’s Language, Ontology and Political Philosophy in China: Wang Bi’s Scholarly Exploration of the Dark (Xuanxue) (125–127).
- 31.
In The Origin of Species, Darwin admits that, owing to his “ignorance of the cause of each particular variation,” he speaks as if “the variations … [are] due to chance” (131). He believes that variations are related to the “effects of external conditions” on the “reproductive system,” but he and his contemporary biologists cannot prove this relation (131–133). Thus, in The Origin of Species, “variation” is still represented as happening by chance.
- 32.
I take both Wing-tsit Chan’s English translation in A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (141) and Wagner’s translation (134–136) for reference. Please also see Wing-tsit Chan’s discussion of the meaning and translation of the Chinese character “Ren” 仁 (humane), which he spells as “Jen” (A Source Book 788–789).
- 33.
This is a substantial modification of Wagner’s translation of Wang Bi’s passage (135–136).
- 34.
This is a slight modification of Wagner’s English translation (136). Wagner’s translation is based on Wang Bi’s understanding and annotation of this passage. Wagner translates “Tuo Yue” 橐籥 into a drum and a flute, whereas Wing-tsit Chan translates this Chinese term into “a bellows” (A Source Book 141).
- 35.
This is a substantial modification of Wagner’s English translation of Wang Bi’s passage (136–137).
- 36.
This is a fundamental modification of Wagner’s English translation of Lao Zi’s passage (166). There are various interpretations and translations of this passage. For instance, Wing-Tsit Chan translates this passage as “Who can make muddy water gradually clear through tranquility? Who can make the still gradually come to life through activity” (A Source Book 147). In the language of classical Chinese, the subject and the object of a sentence are sometimes ambiguous, and it is sometimes unclear whether a term is used as verb or an adjective. Thus, it is possible to interpret a sentence in disparate ways.
- 37.
This is a slight modification of Wagner’s translation of Wang Bi’s passage (166).
- 38.
This is a slight modification of Wagner’s English translation of Lao Zi’s passage (170–171).
- 39.
This is a slight modification of Wagner’s translation (136).
- 40.
I take Wagner’s translation for reference (217).
- 41.
This translation is based on Wagner’s translation (217).
- 42.
Yan Fu’s Daoist-metaphysical acceptance of Victorian evolutionism can be regarded as “cultural translation” in a broad sense. In Translingual Practice, Lydia H. Liu examines the “cultural translation” of Western works and knowledge in China during 1900–1937, arguing that the language of Chinese demonstrates its power of agency to transform Western thought in the meaning-making process of translation and that the power relation in Chinese translation of Western works is not necessarily the dominance of Western knowledge over Chinese culture.
- 43.
I take Wagner’s translation for reference (227).
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Liu, Ky. (2020). Yan Fu’s Daoist Reinterpretation of Evolutionism. In: Brown, C.M. (eds) Asian Religious Responses to Darwinism. Sophia Studies in Cross-cultural Philosophy of Traditions and Cultures, vol 33. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37340-5_12
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