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From Mistrust to Hostility: Perceptions of the Russian Revolutions Among French Political Circles (1917–1919)

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The Rise of Bolshevism and its Impact on the Interwar International Order

Abstract

Dessberg recalls how the February revolution was unanimously viewed among the French political circles and military staff as a political, but also “patriotic” revolution that enabled the Russian ally to pursue war against the Central Empires. He focuses on the breaking up of Franco-Russian relations in the aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution and during the Russian withdrawal from the war. This situation occurred in France during 1917, in a context of aggravated social and moral crisis. Relying primarily on French Parliament reports, the author explains how domestic policy issues influenced the Parliament’s negative perception of Bolshevism, even among the Socialists. The military situation mattered above all, but the French hostility took on political significance only at the end of 1918 and during 1919, as legislative elections were approaching. The “treason” of Brest-Litovsk was a pivotal event in the mind of French public opinion, which remained obsessed by the security of the country and felt that a Russo-German rapprochement was a nightmare. The Communist threat not only meant the danger of social chaos but also the risk of the country weakening in the eyes of Germany.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    They were nearly 12,000 on the eve of World War I. See Paul Gerbod, ‘D’une révolution, l’autre: les Français en Russie de 1789 à 1917’, Revue des études slaves, 57/4 (1985): 605–620.

  2. 2.

    Big French companies had remained present in Russia. For example, among them the Schneider group set out to create a metal trust, on the basis of the Putilov factories. See particularly J. Bouvier, R. Girault, J. Thobie, Impérialisme à la française, 1914–1960 (Paris: éditions de La Découverte, 1986), 32 and following.

  3. 3.

    Documents Diplomatiques Français (DDF), 1915, t. 3 (Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2004) A. Briand (President of the Council) to M. Paléologue (ambassador), 12 November 1915.

  4. 4.

    Jean-Marie Mayeur, La vie politique sous la Troisième République, 1870–1940 (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1984), 230–231.

  5. 5.

    Sophie Coeuré, La Grande lueur à l’Est. Les Français et l’Union soviétique (Paris: Seuil, 1999), 23.

  6. 6.

    Journal Officiel (J. O.) de l’Assemblée nationale, 21 March 1917, 783.

  7. 7.

    Deputy Brizon, Journal Officiel, 23 March 1917, 856.

  8. 8.

    Besides, Alexandre Ribot, President of the Council, acknowledged this concern to the deputies on 22 May. But at the same time, he tried to reassure them about guarantees given by the new Russian authorities: “[They] tell us with energy that there can be no question at any time of a separate peace that would be contrary to the honour of Russia … Russia will do its duty.” J. O. 22 May 1917, 1161–1162.

  9. 9.

    Coeuré, La Grande lueur à l’Est, 25–26.

  10. 10.

    Georges Bonnefous, Histoire politique de la Troisième République, t. 2, La Grande Guerre (1914–1918) (Paris: PUF, 1967), 254.

  11. 11.

    Journal Officiel, 1 June 1917, 495–522 and 5 June 1917, 1329; G. Bonnefous, Histoire politique de la Troisième République, 240–244.

  12. 12.

    Bonnefous, Histoire politique de la Troisième République, 245–249.

  13. 13.

    Georges-Henri Soutou, La Grande illusion. Quand la France perdait la paix, 1914–1920 (Paris: Tallandier, 2015), 75 and 240–253.

  14. 14.

    Coeuré, La Grande lueur à l’Est, 28.

  15. 15.

    Michael Jabara Carley, Revolution and Intervention: The French Government and the Russian Civil War, 1917–1919 (Montréal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1983), 22–23.

  16. 16.

    David S. Fogelsong, America’s Secret War Against Bolshevism: U. S. Intervention in the Russian Civil War, 1917–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 80–90; Michael J. Carley, Une guerre sourde. L’émergence de l’Union soviétique et les puissances occidentales (Montréal: Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2016), 41–42.

  17. 17.

    Jean-Jacques Becker, Serge Berstein, Nouvelle histoire de la France contemporaine, t. 12, Victoire et frustrations, 1914–1919 (Paris: éditions du Seuil, 1990), 181.

  18. 18.

    For example, several Socialist deputies asked the government about the means implemented with the Allies in order to “bring Russia to come back more completely in the concert of the Entente”, Journal Officiel, 11 December 1917.

  19. 19.

    Journal Officiel, 18 and 27 December 1917.

  20. 20.

    Journal Officiel, 27 December 1917, speech by Marius Moutet, 3617. Against these arguments, right wingers accused Lenin and Trotsky of treason.

  21. 21.

    Journal Officiel, 12 January 1918, 36.

  22. 22.

    Michael J. Carley, Revolution and Intervention, 44–45.

  23. 23.

    Journal Officiel, 14 December 1917, response of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

  24. 24.

    Journal Officiel, 1 February 1918 (session of 31 January), 249.

  25. 25.

    Anne Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff, Les relations franco-soviétiques, 1917–1924 (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1981), 33.

  26. 26.

    Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff, Les relations franco-soviétiques, 32.

  27. 27.

    Journal Officiel, 27 December 1917, 3617 and 12 January 1918, 38. Adrien Pressemane declared at the Chamber, before regretting an impossible agreement with the “Bolsheviki”: “I ask you, Gentlemen of the right wing, to be towards the Russian revolution as harsh as we are ourselves. With no doubt, the wrongful acts of the Maximalists are serious. For our part, we condemn their inner policy which is made of acts of force. We do not understand the reasons of the demobilization before peace…” Journal Officiel, 29 March 1918, 1190.

  28. 28.

    Tatiana Konovalova-Martino, ‘Foch et la Russie bolchevique’, in Rémy Porte, François Cochet (dir.), Ferdinand Foch (1851–1929). Apprenez à penser (Paris: Éditions SOTECA, 14–18, 2010), 293–310.

  29. 29.

    Jean Delmas, ‘La paix de Brest-Litovsk et le maintien en Russie de la Mission militaire française’, in Jean-Marc Delaunay (ed.), Aux vents des puissances (Paris: Presses Sorbonne nouvelle, 2008), 209–227.

  30. 30.

    Journal Officiel, 30 March (session of 29 March) 1918, 1190.

  31. 31.

    Margaret MacMillan, Les Artisans de la paix. Comment Lloyd-George, Clemenceau et Wilson ont redessiné la carte du monde (Paris: LC Lattès, 2006), 125.

  32. 32.

    Jean-Jacques Marie, La guerre civile russe, 1917–1922. Armées paysannes, rouges, blanches et vertes (Paris, Autrement, 2005), 42–44.

  33. 33.

    Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, Clemenceau (Paris: Fayard, 1988), 802–803.

  34. 34.

    Le Temps, 15 January 1919, cited in Georges Bonnefous, Histoire politique de la Troisième République, t. 3, L’Après-guerre, 1919–1924 (Paris, PUF, 1959), 7.

  35. 35.

    Jean-Jacques Becker, Serge Berstein, Histoire de l’anticommunisme en France, t. 1, 1917–1940 (Paris, Olivier Orban, 1987), 43.

  36. 36.

    Journal Officiel, 16 January 1919, 11–24. See particularly the speeches of the deputies Bracke, Lafont, Renaudel (on the rebellion of British soldiers at Folkestone) and Cachin.

  37. 37.

    Journal Officiel, 25 March 1919, 1452. For Franklin-Bouillon, military intervention against Bolshevism could be justified because of the “German origin” of this revolutionary ideology.

  38. 38.

    Journal Officiel, 27 March 1919, 1575.

  39. 39.

    Journal Officiel, 23 December 1919, 5337.

  40. 40.

    Journal Officiel, 24 March 1919, 1409 and 13 June 1919, 2672.

  41. 41.

    Bonnefous, Histoire de la Troisième République, t. 3, 9; Journal Officiel, 23 May 1919, 2394, 10 June 1919, 2590–2592, 12 June 1919, 2652–2653.

  42. 42.

    Becker, Berstein, Victoire et frustrations, 182–183.

  43. 43.

    Journal Officiel, 17 April 1919, 2029.

  44. 44.

    Coeuré, La Grande lueur à l’Est, 43–44. Deputy Bracke, setting forward the argument of historic continuity, justified the crimes and the lootings in the new Russia by the mention of “the use of means that where written in the code of Tsarism”: Journal Officiel, 17 June 1919, 2705. References to acts of violence in the revolutionary period in France were also particularly numerous.

  45. 45.

    For example, La vérité sur les bolcheviks, by Charles Dumas or Bolchevisme et Misère, by the deputy Maurice Bokanowski. See Becker, Berstein, Histoire de l’anticommunisme, 44; Dominique Lejeune, La peur du ‘rouge’ en France. Des partageux aux gauchistes (Paris: Belin, 2003), 131.

  46. 46.

    Journal Officiel, 27 March 1919, 1476.

  47. 47.

    Journal Officiel, June 1919, 2654–2655.

  48. 48.

    Sophie Coeuré, La Grande Lueur à l’Est, 31–32.

  49. 49.

    Jean-Marie Mayeur, La vie politique sous la Troisième République, 256.

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Dessberg, F. (2020). From Mistrust to Hostility: Perceptions of the Russian Revolutions Among French Political Circles (1917–1919). In: Lomellini, V. (eds) The Rise of Bolshevism and its Impact on the Interwar International Order. Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the Contemporary World. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35529-6_7

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