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Configurations, Representations, and Migrations

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Comparing Conviviality

Part of the book series: Global Diversities ((GLODIV))

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Abstract

The unique regional histories of Casamance and Catalonia offer fertile grounds to inquire into the process of conviviality. The regions’ historical and contemporary configurations and representations of living with difference rely on multiply overlapping processes of institutionalised classifications along ethnic, religious, national, and linguistic lines that people engage with in everyday life. The ethnography’s narrative is rooted in Casamance, its configurations of difference, and concepts and discourses of cohabitation. The narrative expands with the rural-urban, regional, and global migrations of Casamançais, while their return to Casamance maintains the transnational social field and brings change. When introducing Catalonia, its immigration history, diversification, and policies of reception, residency, and convivència, I pay special attention to the recurrent themes of how Casamançais relate to the new locality.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Speaking of the natural region is often used to challenge the administrative division of Casamance into two (until 2008) and then three regions (Ministère de l’Intérieur de la République du Sénégal 2008). This unifying discourse is equally contested (Faye 1994).

  2. 2.

    Historical accounts have documented this process of conquest and warfare very closely (Roche 1985; Linares 1992, pp. 85–89). Others have stressed the peaceful spreading of Islam which had occurred beforehand (Dramé 2009). They also show that within all ethnic groups further differentiations prevail, sometimes drawing on linguistic, religious and status markers. Thus the Jola linguistically split into four languages and ten dialects (Sapir 1965). Culturally, they are divided into sub-ethnic groups, different socio-economic forms of organisation, and merely self-sustained villages at war with each other (Thomas 1959; Pélissier 1958; Linares 1992). Among the Mandinka, a crucial differentiation was between the pagan ‘Soninké’ and the Muslim Mandinka stemming from the nineteenth-century religious jihads in the region (Leary 1971, 232f). This distinction, however, was not strongly remembered at the time of my fieldwork.

  3. 3.

    The Fula are the Soudano-Guinean Fulbe and were given the name by the Mandinka (Bâ 1986, pp. 60–79). Given that I only worked in the Lower and Middle Casamance, I refrain from a full exploration of the Upper Casamance. However, Fula moved as traders and herders throughout the region.

  4. 4.

    Towards the Gambian border, there is additional diversity due to Tukulor and Wolof immigrant groups. Roche (1985, p. 117) historically also documents the presence of Sarahole and Mandjak in Sédhiou.

  5. 5.

    Baum traces the routes of Jola religion back to the seventeenth century, while influences of Christian and Muslim conversion only started in the nineteenth century and largely stayed on the north shore of the river (Baum 1986, 1990, 1999). Foucher (2005a) also develops the impact of Christian conversion on the Casamançais independence movement.

  6. 6.

    Note that this picture would be likely to change if I had taken Upper Casamance into account where Medina Gounass is a major religious pilgrimage site for the Tijaniyyah brotherhood to which the majority of Casamançais Muslims belong (N’Gaide 2002; Smith 2009b).

  7. 7.

    Furthermore, Fula refugees also came from Guinea Conakry (de Jong 2007, p. 100), a migration movement that was not part of popular accounts of the interlocutors in Lower and Middle Casamance.

  8. 8.

    Foucher (2005a, p. 381) notes, however, that the same claim exists in the north of Senegal, in Joal-Fadiouth. He further notes that this aspect of religious pluralism has not been dealt with.

  9. 9.

    For an overview of the complex processes, cf. Thomson (2011). For further accounts of cultural appropriations , cf. Hamer (1983) and Pélissier (2008). On the early spreading of Islam, cf. also Dramé (2006, 2009). For religious conviviality, cf. also Trincaz (1981).

  10. 10.

    On the development of Wolofisation, cf. Calvet and Wioland (1967), Cruise O’Brien (1975, 1998), Swigart (1990, 1994), and Irvine and Gal (2000).

  11. 11.

    Cf. note 1, p. 53.

  12. 12.

    For more details on the diverse aspects of the conflict, see, for example , Evans (2005, 2009), Foucher (2003, 2006, 2009, 2011), de Jong and Gasser (2005), Lambert (1998), and Marut (1994a, 1996, 2010).

  13. 13.

    During my fieldwork I did not witness any attacks on northerners or foreigners which de Jong (2007, p. 101) quotes to explain why many Wolof actually left Casamance.

  14. 14.

    For a succinct analysis of the various interpretations of the Senegalese national history to which these popular representations could be related, see Smith (2006, 2009a, 2012).

  15. 15.

    See also Nicolas and Gaye (1988) on the urbanisation process of Oussouye. There is no study on Sédhiou.

  16. 16.

    In 2010, over 14,000 Gambians lived in Catalonia of a total of 19,000 Gambians in Spain and a total of more than 60,000 Senegalese lived in Spain (Instituto Nacional de Estadística 2011).

  17. 17.

    Sabadell, my third field site, has a below average proportion of foreign-born population (13.7 per cent, Instituto Nacional de Estadística 2012)

  18. 18.

    Together with the Basque country and Galicia, Catalonia was one of the first autonomous communities founded in 1979 using as its claim its history as an independent nation with a distinct culture and language. In 1983, the whole country was divided into 17 communities (La Constitución Española de 1978, (Art. 143)).

  19. 19.

    Even the first newly built mosque in Cornellà de Llobregat (just outside Barcelona) disappears between the industrial plants that surround it for the lack of identifiable external markers (www.324.cat/noticia/1395426/ [accessed 20/12/2012]).

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Heil, T. (2020). Configurations, Representations, and Migrations. In: Comparing Conviviality. Global Diversities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34717-8_2

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