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Fragmentation. Many Worlds, One Democracy?

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Abstract

The Internet is typified by far-reaching, highly individualised fragmentation. A synchronised world in which all people share similar experiences is becoming less apparent. What does this fragmentation come from? What impact is it having on the democratic public, discourse and democracy in the digitalised world as a whole?

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Mayntz (1992), p. 23 f., argues along the same lines.

  2. 2.

    Nature has perfected the concept of modularisation in the course of evolution. Many structures consist of so-called fractals, self-similar modules.

  3. 3.

    Kelly (1997), p. 279.

  4. 4.

    Kelly (1997), p. 279.

  5. 5.

    Manovich (2001), p. 30 f.

  6. 6.

    For an apt account, see Nowotny (1989), p. 100.

  7. 7.

    This is particularly evident in the area of digital media. In traditional broadcasting, consumers are forced to assimilate information when it is broadcast. This time constraint does not apply to digital broadcasting. Consumers can access digital broadcasts whenever they want. The time of transmission becomes irrelevant.

  8. 8.

    Nowotny (1989), p. 61.

  9. 9.

    On this, see von Mutius (2000), p. 134 f.

  10. 10.

    For a general and elementary account of the impact of digitalisation and the Internet on the economy, see Klodt (2003).

  11. 11.

    On the connection between flexible time and networked companies, see Castells (2001), p. 493 ff. with further citations.

  12. 12.

    On the basic concept of CSCW, see Gross and Koch (2007), p. 4 ff. with further citations.

  13. 13.

    On the support of asynchronous work processes by CSCW, see Gross and Koch (2007), p. 104 ff. with further citations. For a basic account of the difficulties of asynchronous teamwork in global project teams, see Massey et al. (2003), p. 132 ff. with further citations.

  14. 14.

    Mainzer (2002), p. 119 f.

  15. 15.

    On the fundamentals of the concept of “Eigenzeit (proper time), see Nowotny (1989). For a similar account, see Mainzer (2002), p. 119 f.

  16. 16.

    As per Castells (2001), p. 520, with reference to Leibniz.

  17. 17.

    Castells (2003), p. 393, ultimately also argues along these lines, speaking of the destruction of space and time by means of technology.

  18. 18.

    Castells (2003), p. 401.

  19. 19.

    Mainzer (2016), p. 159 with further citations.

  20. 20.

    For basic information, see Goldberg et al. (1992), p. 61 f.

  21. 21.

    For details using the example of Facebook, see Lischka and Stöcker (2017), p. 22 ff.

  22. 22.

    Pasquale (2015), p. 79.

  23. 23.

    For details see Lischka and Stöcker (2017), p. 20 ff. and Pariser (2012), p. 39 ff. with further citations.

  24. 24.

    Lischka and Stöcker (2017), p. 26 using Facebook as an example.

  25. 25.

    Lischka and Stöcker (2017), p. 26, put this pointedly: “Matching punctures respect for the truth”.

  26. 26.

    Pariser (2012), p. 85 ff. and passim. Benkler et al. (2017). Before them, Sunstein (2006), p. 97 f.

  27. 27.

    Pasquale (2015), p. 79 f.

  28. 28.

    Pariser (2012), p. 90. Similar but with differentiation: Lischka and Stöcker (2017), p. 37 f. with further citations.

  29. 29.

    Pariser (2012), p. 20, compares this with a “return to the Ptolemaic view of the world, in which the sun and everything else revolves around us”.

  30. 30.

    Schweiger (2017), p. 92 f. doubts, however, that the filter-bubble effect is so strong.

  31. 31.

    Gerbner et al. (1994), p. 18. In media impact research, this is now largely uncontroversial. For more details, see Jäckel (2005), p. 198 ff. with further citations.

  32. 32.

    Gerbner et al. (1994), p. 29 f. with further citations.

  33. 33.

    Gerbner et al. (2002), p. 43ff.

  34. 34.

    Gerbner et al. (1994), p. 20 ff. with further citations.

  35. 35.

    Gerbner et al. (1994), p. 31 ff. with empirical material.

  36. 36.

    Gerbner et al. (1994), p. 28 ff. with further citations.

  37. 37.

    Pariser (2012), p. 158, who introduces the concept of the “nice world syndrome”.

  38. 38.

    Pariser (2012), p. 159.

  39. 39.

    The term can be traced back to Wason (1968), p. 273 ff. For details, see Klayman (1995), p. 385 f.

  40. 40.

    Nickerson (1998), p. 177 ff. with further citations.

  41. 41.

    For details on the different explanatory approaches, see Nickerson (1998), p. 197 ff. with further citations. Klayman (1995), p. 411, presents his own plausible thesis.

  42. 42.

    Nickerson (1998), p. 176, shows that Francis Bacon described this phenomenon as early as 1620.

  43. 43.

    Klayman (1995), p. 406. Nickerson (1998), p. 177 ff. with further citations, provides a comprehensive overview of the empirical studies.

  44. 44.

    Zimbardo and Gerrig (2004), p. 171 f. with further citations.

  45. 45.

    It is possible that the filter function is even the cause for the development of the confirmation bias in the history of human development. On these theories, see Nickerson (1998), p. 198 f. with further citations.

  46. 46.

    For a highly critical account, see Pasquale (2015), p. 79 f.

  47. 47.

    This is demonstrated by Maddux et al. (2009), p. 156 ff. with empirical examples.

  48. 48.

    For details, see Kantorovich (1993) passim.

  49. 49.

    Brunkhorst (2004), p. 490.

  50. 50.

    On the importance of the public sphere for democracy, see Brunkhorst (2004), p. 490 ff. with further citations. For fundamentals on the political and democratic function of the public sphere, see Habermas (1962/1990), p. 122 ff.

  51. 51.

    On this, see Höffe (1999), p. 117, and Gerhards (2000), p. 287 with further citations.

  52. 52.

    Höffe (1999), p. 117.

  53. 53.

    Eder et al. (1998), p. 326 f., with further citations.

  54. 54.

    Höffe (1999), p. 117. On the origins of this political function of the public sphere in England at the beginning of the eighteenth century, see Habermas (1962/1990), p. 122.

  55. 55.

    Höffe (1999), p. 117.

  56. 56.

    Marschall (1998), p. 43 f., with further citations.

  57. 57.

    Höffe (1999), p. 117.

  58. 58.

    Morlok (2001), p. 573 f. with further citations. Similar: Gerhards (2000), p. 287 with further citations.

  59. 59.

    Höffe (1999), p. 117.

  60. 60.

    Marschall (1998), p. 45 f., with further citations. The emergence of a political public sphere in the early eighteenth century was closely linked to structural change and the increasing strength of the press. For a detailed account, see Habermas (1962/1990), p. 275 ff.

  61. 61.

    Luhmann (1996), p. 9, sums up the significance of the mass media for the perception of the world in this pithy phrase.

  62. 62.

    Marschall (1998), p. 46, with further citations.

  63. 63.

    On the importance of public opinion for democracy, see Sartori (1997), p. 94 ff.

  64. 64.

    Gerhards (2000), p. 287.

  65. 65.

    Similarly, Gerhards (2000), p. 288 ff., who analyses the reasons for this. However, Eder and Kantner (2000), p. 316 ff. with further citations, take a different view and see a European public sphere, at least in certain subject areas.

  66. 66.

    Gerhards (2000), p. 290, sees the lack of a common European language as an important obstacle for a European public sphere. The idea can be applied all the more to the global public sphere.

  67. 67.

    To speak in general terms of the Internet as a form of media lacks the requisite differentiation. At this point, however, undifferentiated use is sufficient. For details, see Leib (1998), p. 89.

  68. 68.

    For details, see Leib (1998), p. 90; von Korff (1998), p. 95, each with further citations.

  69. 69.

    See Schiller (1998), p. 129 ff. with further citations.

  70. 70.

    Habermas (1962/1990), p. 90 f., traces how the modern mass media public has developed in Europe since the seventeenth century. How strong the influence of the mass media really is, however, is fiercely disputed. Von Beyme (1994), p. 320 ff., is noticeably reticent when he speaks of exaggerated theories of the power of the media in relation to politics and ascribes only a “subsidiary function” to the media. Yet he also diagnoses, op. cit., p. 325, a “modification of politics”. In addition to the media, personal relationships and conversations play an important role in the development of ideas and attitudes. See Schenk and Rössler (1994), p. 262 ff.

  71. 71.

    Holtz-Bacha (1998), p. 219 ff. with further citations; Castells (2001), p. 387 with further citations.

  72. 72.

    Castells (2001), p. 387 with further citations, on the diversification of the public by multiplying the number of television channels.

  73. 73.

    Sunstein (2001), p. 56 ff.

  74. 74.

    Holtz-Bacha (1998), p. 219, with further citations based on empirical studies.

  75. 75.

    Castells (2001), p. 388 f.

  76. 76.

    See Holtz-Bacha (1998), p. 222 ff. with further citations.

  77. 77.

    Holtz-Bacha (1998), p. 222.

  78. 78.

    Holtz-Bacha (1998), p. 234 ff. with further citations.

  79. 79.

    Similarly, Abromeit (2002), p. 158, who describes majority voting as “the greatest stumbling block on the way to an applicable post-national concept of democracy”.

  80. 80.

    Archibugi (1998), p. 206; Abromeit (2002), p. 158. Similarly, Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 55, who consider a minimum level of political, social and cultural homogeneity to be indispensable.

  81. 81.

    Rhinow (1984), p. 250. Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 65. This basic consensus may also include a fundamental democratic ethos. See Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 75 ff.

  82. 82.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 158, is emphatic here.

  83. 83.

    Similarly, Abromeit (2002), p. 158, who describes majority voting as “the greatest stumbling block on the way to an applicable post-national concept of democracy”.

  84. 84.

    Archibugi (1998), p. 206; Abromeit (2002), p. 158. Similarly, Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 55, who consider a minimum level of political, social and cultural homogeneity to be indispensable.

  85. 85.

    Rhinow (1984), p. 250. Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 65. This basic consensus may also include a fundamental democratic ethos. See Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 75 ff.

  86. 86.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 158, is emphatic here.

  87. 87.

    Rauterberg (2013), p. 138.

  88. 88.

    Rauterberg (2013), p. 59 ff.

  89. 89.

    Rauterberg (2013), p. 139 ff.

  90. 90.

    Rauterberg (2013), p. 10 ff.

  91. 91.

    On the agora in general, see Meier (1993), p. 442 ff.

  92. 92.

    Bleicken (1995), p. 55 f.

  93. 93.

    Arendt (1999), p. 36 f.

  94. 94.

    Rauterberg (2013), p. 141.

  95. 95.

    See Arendt (1999), p. 62 ff.

  96. 96.

    Arendt (1999), p. 40.

  97. 97.

    Barlow (1996).

  98. 98.

    For an overview, see Haas (2015), p. 27 f. with further citations. On the role of Twitter in revolutions and political upheavals, see van Dijck (2013), p. 75 with further citations.

  99. 99.

    For a detailed account of the development of the blogosphere, see Barlow (2007), p. 143 ff. with further citations.

  100. 100.

    See, for example, the statistics in the Global Digital Report 2015: http://wearesocial.de/blog/2015/01/global – digital – report – 2015/ (28/8/2019).

  101. 101.

    Hindman (2009), p. 109 ff. On the relevance of blogs, see Nuernbergk (2014), p. 174 with further citations; Imhof (2015), p. 23 considers the political significance of social networks to be “marginal”. Similarly, Bernhard et al. (2015), p. 52 f. on an empirical basis.

  102. 102.

    Schenk et al. (2014), p. 27 f.

  103. 103.

    Beckedahl and Lüke (2012), p. 171 f. For a basic account of the gatekeeping function, see Manning White (1950), p. 383 ff.

  104. 104.

    Hindman (2009), p. 12 f. and 80 f. with further citations.

  105. 105.

    Bieber (2010), p. 66 ff. with further citations.

  106. 106.

    For details, see Armstrong and Moulitsas Zuniga (2006), p. 169 ff.

  107. 107.

    Froomkin (2004), p. 10 f.

  108. 108.

    Hindman (2009), p. 112.

  109. 109.

    On the quality of Tweets, see van Dijck (2013), p. 77.

  110. 110.

    For a basic account, see Surowiecki (2005), p. 23 ff. and passim.

  111. 111.

    Schweiger (2017), p. 94 f. Mistaken by Froomkin (2004), p. 9.

  112. 112.

    Hindman (2009), p. 131, who notes that pornographic sites are visited a hundred times more often than political sites.

  113. 113.

    A similar conclusion can be found in Bieber (2010), p. 54.

  114. 114.

    Bieber (2010), p. 54 ff. is instructive here.

  115. 115.

    Pasquale (2015), p. 61.

  116. 116.

    For a highly critical account, see Schroeder (2014), p. 145 ff.

  117. 117.

    See Zittrain (2014), p. 337 with further citations.

  118. 118.

    Pasquale (2015), p. 66 ff.

  119. 119.

    Diaz (2008), p. 11.

  120. 120.

    For details, see Pasquale (2015), p. 64 f.

  121. 121.

    Diaz (2008), p. 16 f. with further citations.

  122. 122.

    Hofstetter (2016), p. 393f., is explicit in this regard.

  123. 123.

    The study by Hong and Kim (2018), p. 388 ff., is interesting, which shows empirically that search engines force readers to concentrate on a few large media. This contradicts the thesis that the Internet per se opens up broader information possibilities, even outside the mainstream.

  124. 124.

    See Schmidt (2010), p. 239 f. with further citations.

  125. 125.

    Habermas (2007), p. 433 defines prerequisites for the ideal democratic discourse. On a practical level, they will rarely be fulfilled. However, democratic pragmatism can also manage without ideal conditions.

  126. 126.

    Schmidt (2010), p. 427 with further citations.

  127. 127.

    For an idea of numbers, see Schenk et al. (2014), p. 23.

  128. 128.

    Georg Franck (1998) coined the term.

  129. 129.

    Luhmann (1996), p. 59; Meyer (2001), p. 47.

  130. 130.

    Schenk et al. (2014), p. 28, on the basis of an empirical survey.

  131. 131.

    Altheide and Snow (1979), p. 20 sum up this in an inimitably American way: entertainment is “bigger than life”.

  132. 132.

    Altheide and Snow (1990), p. 16.

  133. 133.

    On the decisive role of emotions in TV entertainment shows, see Altheide and Snow (2001), p. 17. But this can also be generalised to all human utterances.

  134. 134.

    For details on the publication logic of bloggers, see Holiday (2012), p. 59 ff. and 106 ff.

  135. 135.

    Winterhoff-Spurk (2001), p. 157 f. with further citations, albeit in relation to television programmes.

  136. 136.

    For a basic account, see Suler (2004), p. 321 f. Or, earlier, Dyer et al. (1996), p. 289 f.

  137. 137.

    Suler (2004), p. 321, refers to this as “benign disinhibition”.

  138. 138.

    Suler (2004), p. 321 f. An instructive example is described by Ook and Gong (2004), p. 25 ff.

  139. 139.

    Suler (2004), p. 321, therefore speaks vividly of “toxic disinhibition”. For more details, see Lapidot-Lefler and Barak (2012), p. 435 with further citations.

  140. 140.

    Suler (2004), p. 322; Lapidot-Lefler and Barak (2012), p. 435.

  141. 141.

    For an instructive insight, see Weichert (2014), p. 206 f.

  142. 142.

    As above, point 3.1.3.

  143. 143.

    See Röttgen and Juelicher (2017), p. 228 and Franck and Müller-Peltzer (2017), p. 242, each with further citations.

  144. 144.

    See point 2.1.5 above.

  145. 145.

    As Milker (2017), p. 217 f. and Franck and Müller-Peltzer (2017), p. 241, point out correctly.

  146. 146.

    On this, see Röttgen and Juelicher (2017), p. 227 and Franck and Müller-Peltzer (2017), p. 243 each with further citations and examples.

  147. 147.

    Köbrich and Froitzheim (2017), p. 260f. with further citations, gives a brief overview.

  148. 148.

    The question of to whom the content can be attributed—the programmer of the bot or the bot itself—is exciting and unanswered. See Krupar (2017), p. 282 ff. with further citations.

  149. 149.

    Milker (2017), p. 218 f. with further citations.

  150. 150.

    On issues of social bots from a perspective of criminal law, see Volkmann (2018), p. 59 f.

  151. 151.

    For current examples, see Milker (2017), p. 217.

  152. 152.

    Volkmann (2018), p. 58 with examples.

  153. 153.

    BVerfG NJW 2001, 1048, 1051.

  154. 154.

    BVerfG NJW 2001, 1048, 1051.

  155. 155.

    For a basic account, see Simmel (1908/1968), p. 250.

  156. 156.

    On this set of tensions, see Margalit (2011), p. 16 f.; 98 ff.

  157. 157.

    Greiffenhagen (1999), p. 212 with further citations, who speaks in this context of the necessary ability to endure ambivalent situations.

  158. 158.

    Dombek (2016), p. 25 ff. with further citations; Twenge and Campbell (2009), passim even speak of the “narcissm epidemic”.

  159. 159.

    See points 3.1.3. and 3.1.4 above.

  160. 160.

    See Homann (1988), p. 262 ff.

  161. 161.

    For a basic account of majority voting in democracy, see Schmidt (2010), p. 268 f. with further citations.

  162. 162.

    Schmidt (2010), p. 270 with further citations, rightly stresses, however, that majority voting can also come up against its limits as a mechanism for conflict resolution and legitimation.

  163. 163.

    For a basic account, see Grzeszick (2015), marginal no. 66–76 with further citations.

  164. 164.

    Rothermund and Eder (2009), p. 677 ff. with further citations.

  165. 165.

    For details, see Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 242 ff. with further citations.

  166. 166.

    Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 231 ff. with extensive further citations.

  167. 167.

    Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 235 with further citations.

  168. 168.

    All in all, the effects of emotions on decision-making behaviour are very complex. See Rothermund and Eder (2009), p. 682 with further citations.

  169. 169.

    Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 267 f. with further citations.

  170. 170.

    Rothermund and Eder (2009), p. 682 f.

  171. 171.

    For details, see Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 224 ff. with further citations.

  172. 172.

    Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 224 f.

  173. 173.

    Schmidt-Atzert et al. (2013), p. 227 ff.

  174. 174.

    The importance of comprehensive democratic discourse is emphasised above all by deliberative democratic theories. For an account focusing on this, see Habermas (1992), p. 349 ff.

  175. 175.

    On the systematic relationship between democracy and rationality, see Homann (1988), p. 262 ff.

  176. 176.

    For details, see Frevert (2018), p. 18 ff. on the example of the Nazi dictatorship.

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Boehme-Neßler, V. (2020). Fragmentation. Many Worlds, One Democracy?. In: Digitising Democracy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34556-3_3

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