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Constructing the EU as a Policy Entrepreneur: The Roots of European Identity

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Part of the book series: The European Union in International Affairs ((EUIA))

Abstract

This chapter explores the evolution of the EU’s self-image as a normative entrepreneur—what it sees as good and successful in its own creation—which should be exported as the model of society to which others should aspire. This provides the context for examining the extent to which the EU’s foreign policy in Southern Mediterranean Countries is, as the EU claims, designed to support the export of this successful model. Our analysis shows that the EU’s contemporary narrative about achieving peace and prosperity in post–World War II Europe leans heavily on values and on development driven by market liberalisation. By contrast, however, its history has been driven by regional economic integration and Keynesian macroeconomics. Analogously, while the EU’s self-image has remained social democratic and much is made of the ‘European Social Model’, in practice this has been steadily eroded—albeit to varying degrees—for at least three decades.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Introduced in 1999 as the European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR1).

  2. 2.

    When the EU refers to itself as being underpinned by democracy, the rule of law and respect for (fundamental) human rights, it shifts between portraying itself as embodying these values and ascribing them to its Member States. The EU itself is frequently said to have only a limited democratic character (Bevir and Phillips 2016).

  3. 3.

    Established by the UK, Italy, Belgium, Sweden, Norway, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the Republic of Ireland, Demark and France, the Council now includes 47 countries and no country has been a member of the EEC/EU that was not a member of the Council of Europe.

  4. 4.

    The European Social Charter, which is the counterpart of the European Convention on Human Rights in the sphere of economic and social rights, became open for ratification by members in 1961. Accessed at: https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/treaty/035.

  5. 5.

    The WEU initially included Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy and the UK.

  6. 6.

    A directive implementing Article 119 on equal pay for work of equal value was supposed to be have been issued before the 1 January 1962 but was not issued until 1975 (see Chap. 8; Burri et al. 2008; European Council 1975).

  7. 7.

    The UK, Denmark and Ireland joined in 1973, Greece in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986.

  8. 8.

    The European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights essentially covers civil and political rights while the European Social Charter covers social and economic rights.

  9. 9.

    Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia in 2004 and Bulgaria and Romania in 2007.

  10. 10.

    https://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/node/680_bg.

  11. 11.

    This was replaced by the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights in 2007, which maintained the same approach to democracy assistance (European Commission 2007).

  12. 12.

    It should be noted that the EU’s perception that it was using a bottom-up approach to democracy promotion as opposed to the USA’s top-down approach may not accurately reflect the USA’s or the EU’s policy. Daniela Huber has argued that the USA works more with civil and political society and the EU more with state sectors. However, the EU is specifically referring to the approach it is using in its new flagship democratisation programme which was designed to fund civil society organisations to become an effective force for political reform and the defence of human rights. The EU directly cooperates with civil society independently of the cooperation of governments (see Chap. 5 for a discussion of the effectiveness of the programme). Furthermore, Huber includes spending on state capacity building as an element of democracy assistant which might be seen as more governance reform than the promotion of democratic government.

  13. 13.

    Poland, the Czech Republic and the UK negotiated ‘opt-outs’.

  14. 14.

    See, for example (Esping-Andersen et al. 2002; Giddens 1998; Gilbert 2004; Jenson and Saint-Martin 2003).

  15. 15.

    The treaty came into effect on 1 December 2009 following the process of ratification by each Member State.

  16. 16.

    See Chap. 4 for a detailed policy analysis of the EU’s response to the Arab Uprisings, democracy, delivery and development, and Chap. 5 for an analysis of the EU’s practice.

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Correspondence to Andrea Teti .

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Teti, A., Abbott, P., Talbot, V., Maggiolini, P. (2020). Constructing the EU as a Policy Entrepreneur: The Roots of European Identity. In: Democratisation against Democracy. The European Union in International Affairs. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33883-1_2

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