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Skirting the Boundaries: Businesswomen in Colonial British Columbia, 1858–1914

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Female Entrepreneurs in the Long Nineteenth Century

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Economic History ((PEHS))

Abstract

This chapter investigates how marriage and family affected the business behaviours of white settler women from the mid-nineteenth-century gold rush era to the beginning of World War I in British Columbia, Canada. Looking at census records, newspapers and business directories, the author demonstrates that marital status is integral to the story of female entrepreneurship. In the colony-turned-province, the gender imbalance and resulting high rates of marriage for women did not stop them from working but influenced the likelihood they would work on their own account rather than as employees. British Columbia provided particularly fertile ground for women to commercialise their domestic skills through entrepreneurial forms of work. Marriage and motherhood did not halt their participation in the labour force but increased their propensity for entrepreneurship.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For a longer discussion of the limited value of separate spheres ideology for businesswomen, see Chap. 1, Bishop and Aston, this volume. See also Melanie Buddle, ‘The Business of Women: Gender, Family, and Entrepreneurship in British Columbia, 1901–1971’ (PhD diss., University of Victoria, 2003). See also Peter Baskerville,A Silent Revolution? Gender and Wealth in English Canada, 1860–1930 (Montreal: Mc-Gill Queen’s University Press, 2008), pp. 8–9: he discusses the interconnectedness of public and private and suggests that a continuum may be a better term.

  2. 2.

    The author gratefully acknowledges funding support for this chapter provided by the Symons Trust Fund at Trent University. Some of the arguments and analysis presented in this chapter were previously published in Melanie Buddle, The Business of Women: Marriage, Family, and Entrepreneurship in British Columbia, 1901–51 (Vancouver: UBC Press 2010).

  3. 3.

    See, for example, common definitions: https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/self-employed and https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/entrepeneur and https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/entrepreneur Accessed 20 April 2019.

  4. 4.

    See Chap. 12 by van Lieshout, Smith and Bennett, this volume.

  5. 5.

    See Chap. 10 by Lewis, this volume: the US women in her study are in remarkably similar businesses. Carry van Lieshout et al. find similar concentrations of women in the same occupational sectors in England, 1851–1911.

  6. 6.

    Charlene Porsild, Gamblers and Dreamers: Women, Men, and Community in the Klondike (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1998), pp. 63–64.

  7. 7.

    Elizabeth Herr, ‘Women, Marital Status, and Work Opportunities in 1880 Colorado’, Journal of Economic History 55, no. 2 (June 1995): pp. 339–366, p. 341.

  8. 8.

    Edith Sparks, Capital Intentions: Female Proprietors in San Francisco, 1850–1920 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), p. 10.

  9. 9.

    Sparks, p. 11.

  10. 10.

    Sparks, p. 16.

  11. 11.

    Angel Kwolek-Folland, Incorporating Women: A History of Women and Business in the United States (New York: Twayne, 1998), p. 45.

  12. 12.

    Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, ‘Business Ladies: Midwestern Women and Enterprise, 1850–1880’, Journal of Women’s History 3, no. 1 (Spring 1991): pp. 65–89, p. 71.

  13. 13.

    For a very brief summary of colonial British Columbia’s history (the gold rush era, and the road from colony to province), see http://www.canadahistoryproject.ca/1871/1871-02-early-history-bc.html and http://www.canadahistoryproject.ca/1871/1871-03-political-evol-bc.html Accessed 18 November 2018.

  14. 14.

    I have dealt with the archetypal elements of British Columbian gold rush society and characteristics of rapid white settlement on culture and society elsewhere. See Melanie Buddle, ‘“All the Elements of a Permanent Community”: A History of Society, Culture and Entertainment in the Cariboo’ (master’s thesis, University of Northern British Columbia, 1997). See also Barry M. Gough, ‘The Character of the British Columbia Frontier’, BC Studies 32 (Winter 1976–77): pp. 28–40; and S.D. Clark, The Developing Canadian Community, 2nd ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), p. 82.

  15. 15.

    John Douglas Belshaw, ‘The West We Have Lost: British Columbia’s Demographic Past and an Agenda for Population History’, Western Historical Quarterly 29, no. 1 (Spring 1998): pp. 25–47, p. 40.

  16. 16.

    For a well-researched article that nicely corrects some of this lack of data, see Mica Jorgenson, ‘Into That Country to Work’: Aboriginal Economic Activities during Barkerville’s Gold Rush, BC Studies 185 (Spring 2015): pp. 109–137.

  17. 17.

    See Cole Harris, The Resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and Geographical Change (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997), pp. 102, 142–45, and 159. For more on early British Columbia’s resource-based economy and immigration, and the nature of men’s work, see Hugh J.M. Johnston, ‘Native People, Settlers and Sojourners 1871–1916’, pp. 165–204 and Allen Seager, ‘The Resource Economy, 1871–1921’, pp. 205–250, in Hugh J.M. Johnston (ed.), The Pacific Province: A History of British Columbia (Vancouver: Douglas and McIntyre, 1996).

  18. 18.

    Adele Perry, On the Edge of Empire: Gender, Race, and the Making of British Columbia, 1849–187 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), pp. 12–16.

  19. 19.

    Sylvia Van Kirk, ‘A Vital Presence: Women in the Cariboo Gold Rush, 1862–1875’, in Gillian Creese and Veronica Strong-Boag (eds), British Columbia Reconsidered: Essays on Women (Vancouver: Press Gang Publishers, 1992): pp. 21–37, pp. 23–24. Van Kirk cites the local Barkerville newspaper, the Cariboo Sentinel, in detailing Janet Allan’s marriages and subsequent death. See: the Cariboo Sentinel, 10 September 1870, p. 3.

  20. 20.

    Van Kirk, ‘A Vital Presence’, pp. 21–22.

  21. 21.

    Great Britain Colonial Office, British Columbia, ‘Blue Books of Statistics, 1861–1870’, mflm. 626A and 627A, British Columbia Archives; cited in Perry, On the Edge of Empire, p. 15.

  22. 22.

    Van Kirk, ‘A Vital Presence’, p. 22.

  23. 23.

    Great Britain, Colonial office, ‘Blue Books of Statistics, British Columbia, 1861–1870’, British Columbia Archives, CO 64/1, mflm. 626A; cited in Perry, On the Edge of Empire, p. 15.

  24. 24.

    British Columbia, ‘Blue Books of Statistics – 1867’, mflm. 627A, British Columbia Archives, 140–141: cited in Adele Perry, ‘Oh I’m Just Sick of the Faces of Men: Gender Imbalance, Race, Sexuality, and Sociability in Nineteenth-Century British Columbia’, BC Studies 105/106 (Spring/Summer 1995): pp. 27–43, p. 36.

  25. 25.

    Data taken from Census of Canada, 1901 and 1931. For full employment numbers and marital status of adult and employed adult population, BC and Canada, see also Buddle, ‘The Business of Women’, Appendices. Note that in all cases in this article, detailed 1901 data uses the Canadian Families Project database. While it reflects lower numbers, the amount of detailed data that it provided this researcher was invaluable. The database is available at http://web.uvic.ca/hrd/cfp/what/index.html

  26. 26.

    For data on total adult population, gainfully employed adult population and marital status of adult population, see Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada 1921, vol. 2, table 24; Census of Canada 1931, vol. 1, table 17B; vol. 7, tables 25–29; Census of Canada 1941, vol. 1, tables 20 and 63; vol. 3, table 7; vol. 7, table 5; Census of Canada 1951, vol. 2, tables 1 and 2; vol. 4, table 11. Data for 1901 is from the Canadian Families Project database. For my figures, I have taken British Columbia data out of Canadian totals in order to compare the province to the rest of the country. Limited data is available for 1911; it is found in comparative historical statistics in 1931, 1941 and 1951 census volumes and tables listed here.

  27. 27.

    See Perry, On the Edge of Empire, Chapter One in particular; she demonstrates that men had many responses to the lack of ‘marriageable’ women, and not all yearned for marriage, but they did seem to yearn, in varying degrees, for women to fill a number of voids.

  28. 28.

    Matthew Macfie, F.R.G.S., Vancouver Island and British Columbia: Their History, Resources, and Prospects (London, 1865), p. 497. Cited in Perry, ‘Oh I’m Just Sick of the Faces of Men’, p. 33.

  29. 29.

    Report of the Columbia Mission, 1860 (London, n.d.), pp. 24–26. Cited in Perry, ‘Oh I’m Just Sick of the Faces of Men’, p. 34.

  30. 30.

    British Colonist, September 1862. The arrival is also described in N. de Bertrand Lugrin, The Pioneer Women of Vancouver Island, 1843–1866 (Victoria: Women’s Canadian Club, 1928), pp. 146–49.

  31. 31.

    See Perry, On the Edge of Empire, pp. 139, 167, 172.

  32. 32.

    There were correspondingly fewer single women recorded in British Columbia than in the rest of the country: in 1901, 47.1 per cent of Canadian women were single compared to just 33.9 per cent in British Columbia; in 1931 the number was still lower in British Columbia (28.7 per cent compared to 34.5 per cent in the rest of the country). Data is taken from Census of Canada, 1911–1931 and, for 1901, from the Canadian Families Project database. For more detailed analysis of rates of marriage for women in the province compared to the rest of the country, using Canadian census data, see Buddle, ‘The Business of Women’, p. 46.

  33. 33.

    In 1901, 12.2 per cent of all adult women in British Columbia worked for pay, compared to 14.5 per cent in the rest of Canada. In ongoing years, the percentages were as follows: 1911, 15 per cent (BC) and 13.9 per cent (Canada); 1921, 14.2 per cent (BC) and 15.3 per cent (Canada); 1931, 17.2 per cent (BC) and 17 per cent (Canada); 1941, 18.2 per cent (BC) and 20.3 per cent (Canada); 1951, 23 per cent (BC) and 23.7 per cent (Canada). Note that I have removed British Columbia data from the Canadian data, in order to present British Columbia compared to the rest of Canada. Data for 1901 is from the Canadian Families Project database. For labour force characteristics, from 1911 to 1951, see Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada 1931, vol. 1, Table 82, and vol. 7, Tables 1 and 40; Census of Canada 1941, vol. 1, Table 58, and vol. 3, Table 1; and Census of Canada 1951, vol. 4, Table 1.

  34. 34.

    Ibid.

  35. 35.

    Researchers can access the public-use sample of the Canadian Families Project database at: http://web.uvic.ca/hrd/cfp/data/index.html

  36. 36.

    See Chap. 12 by van Lieshout, Smith and Bennett, this volume and their discussion of the link between marital status and entrepreneurship in England, 1851–1911: their data shows the same pattern.

  37. 37.

    See Canadian Families Project public-use sample of the 1901 Canadian census.

  38. 38.

    Data for 1901 is from the Canadian Families Project database. For 1921 data, see Census of Canada, Volume 1, 1931, Table 17B; Volume 2, 1921, Table 24; Volume 7, 1931, Tables 26 and 27. In 1901, census enumerators listed those who stated they were separated as ‘married’, while in 1921, the legally separated were typically documented as ‘divorced’—but there were so few divorced women, it seems to have barely affected the data. In published census data from 1931 on, divorced women were listed as married. I find the choice to list them as divorced in 1921 interesting.

  39. 39.

    See Buddle, The Business of Women; Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, and in this volume, see Chap. 12 by van Lieshout, Smith and Bennet, for more detailed links between age, marital status and female self-employment.

  40. 40.

    Census of Canada 1921, Volume 2, Table 4; 1931, Volume 7, Table 21; 1941, Volume 7, Table 5. Some of the data for 1921 is listed in the 1931 data. For more detailed census tables and analysis of marriage, self-employment and gender in census data from 1901 to 1971, see Buddle, ‘The Business of Women’, Appendices 1.2, 1.3 and 1.4.

  41. 41.

    See Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, for detailed analysis and census data that also shows this connection. He finds very high rates of self-employment and, as he notes, particularly when boarding housekeepers are looked at in more detail; census takers, he suggests, did not accurately identify all boarding housekeepers as self-employed.

  42. 42.

    Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, pp. 196–197.

  43. 43.

    None were mentioned overtly in the public use sample for the 1901 census, and their services were not listed in official business directories. Baskerville does find women keeping bawdy houses and suggests they posed as boarding houses. See A Silent Revolution, p. 179.

  44. 44.

    Chris Clarkson, Domestic Reforms: Political Visions and Family Regulation in British Columbia, 1862–1940 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2007), p. 7.

  45. 45.

    Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, p. 5.

  46. 46.

    Jennifer Aston, Female Entrepreneurship in Nineteenth-Century England: Engagement in the Urban Economy (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), pp. 88–89.

  47. 47.

    Catherine Bishop, Minding Her Own Business: Colonial Businesswomen in Sydney (Sydney: NewSouth Publishing, 2015), p. 19.

  48. 48.

    See Catherine Bishop, ‘When Your Money Is Not Your Own: Coverture and Married Women in Business in Colonial New South Wales’, Law and History Review 33 no. 1 (2015): 181–200.

  49. 49.

    Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, p. 217. Baskerville has a much lengthier analysis of married women’s property laws and their importance; rates of female entrepreneurship were high in British Columbia before the laws were passed, and women could own businesses if not the property itself, before the 1870s, but their access to capital and their overall financial situation, he compellingly argues, broadened after the series of laws passed.

  50. 50.

    Dictionary of Canadian Biography, BENDIXEN, FANNY—Volume XII (1891–1900), http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/bendixen_fanny_12E.html. Accessed 15 December 2018. See also Van Kirk, ‘A Vital Presence’, p. 25.

  51. 51.

    Cariboo Sentinel, 20 May 1867, p. 2 and 1 July 1867, pp. 2–3. Cited in Van Kirk, ‘A Vital Presence’, p. 26.

  52. 52.

    Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada 1931, vol. 7, Tables 50 and 54. For lists of the selected occupations and for data on employment status and marital status of women workers in British Columbia and the rest of Canada, see Buddle, ‘The Business of Women’, Appendix 2.1–2.4, pp. 360–78.

  53. 53.

    Census of Canada 1931, Vol. 7, Tables 50, 53 and 54. See Buddle, The Business of Women, pp. 60–61, for more detailed data on higher-than-average rates of self-employment for women in selected occupations.

  54. 54.

    See Canadian Families Project database.

  55. 55.

    Henderson’s British Columbia Gazetteer and Directory and Mining Companies with which is Consolidated the Williams’ British Columbia Directory for 1900–1901 (Victoria and Vancouver: Henderson Publishing Company, 1901).

  56. 56.

    Julie A. Matthaei, An Economic History of Women in America: Women’s Work, the Sexual Division of Labor, and the Development of Capitalism (New York: Schocken Books, 1982), p. 224.

  57. 57.

    Examples here are from individual entries found in the 5 per cent sample of the 1901 census: see Canadian Families Project database.

  58. 58.

    Joan Lang, Lost Orchards: Vanishing Fruit Farms of the West Kootenay (Nelson, BC: Ward Creek Press, 2003), p. 35.

  59. 59.

    Wrigley’s British Columbia Directory, 1918 (Vancouver: Wrigley Directories, 1918).

  60. 60.

    See Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, p. 206, for this census data and for a longer discussion of businesswomen with absent spouses.

  61. 61.

    Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Census of Canada 1901, volume I, xviii.

  62. 62.

    Baskerville notes that most of the female boarding housekeepers that the 1901 census did not capture (who seemed to run boardinghouses based on description and details, but who were enumerated as though they did not work) had husbands in the house, which may explain why they were not listed as employed or as self-employed. See Baskerville, A Silent Revolution, p. 206.

  63. 63.

    It should be noted that their numbers are still higher than in the rest of the country: just 1.4 per cent of all married women in the rest of Canada declared they were self-employed, and just 11.6 per cent of all widowed/divorced women in the rest of Canada declared they were self-employed. This data on marital status and self-employment in 1901 is taken from the Canadian Families Project 5 per cent sample of the 1901 census.

  64. 64.

    Lorna R. McLean, ‘Single Again: Widow’s Work in the Urban Family Economy, Ottawa, 1871’, Ontario History 83, 2 (June 1991): pp. 127–150, p. 131.

  65. 65.

    McLean, ‘Single Again’, p. 131.

  66. 66.

    Rosemary Neering, Wild West Women: Travellers, Adventurers and Rebels (Vancouver: Whitecap Books, 2000), pp. 26–30.

  67. 67.

    Jean Barman, Sojourning Sisters: The Lives and Letters of Jessie and Annie McQueen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 214–15.

  68. 68.

    Henderson’s British Columbia Gazetteer and Directory and Mining Companies with Which Is Consolidated the Williams’ British Columbia Directory for 1900–1901 (Victoria and Vancouver: Henderson Publishing, 1901).

  69. 69.

    Wendy Gamber, ‘A Precarious Independence: Milliners and Dressmakers in Boston, 1860–1890’, Journal of Women’s History 4, no. 1 (Spring 1992): pp. 60–88, p. 74.

  70. 70.

    Margaret Hobbs, ‘Gendering Work and Welfare: Women’s Relationship to Wage-Work and Social Policy in Canada during the Great Depression’ (PhD diss., University of Toronto, 1995), p. 41.

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  1. Trent University, Peterborough, ON, Canada

    Melanie Buddle

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    Jennifer Aston

  2. Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW, Australia

    Catherine Bishop

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Buddle, M. (2020). Skirting the Boundaries: Businesswomen in Colonial British Columbia, 1858–1914. In: Aston, J., Bishop, C. (eds) Female Entrepreneurs in the Long Nineteenth Century. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33412-3_13

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