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An Axis of Evil, 2001–2003

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Going to War with Iraq

Part of the book series: The Evolving American Presidency ((EAP))

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Abstract

In 2001, George W. Bush became the 43rd president of the United States. Although the presidency began amid electoral controversy, everything changed with the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Threats that had existed beyond the borders of the United States were suddenly on American soil and the fear of another attack changed the priorities of the administration. America was under attack. Buttressed by support from Congress, Bush went to considerable lengths in order to establish to the American people the threat posed by Saddam Hussein to US national security, and his emphasis on Saddam Hussein’s putative intentions to acquire weapons of mass destruction indicated his capabilities as Iraq’s leader firmly consolidated public support for Bush’s decision to go to war.

The argument for the war is one of solidarity with the oppressed. These ought to be the principles of the left. The people in the antiwar movement have fallen into confusion. They should be protesting Bush—but make sure that a genuine democracy rise in Iraq

—Paul Berman (quoted in Josh Tyrangiel, “Voice of Outrage,” Time, March 31, 2003)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nancy Gibbs, Person of the Year: George W. Bush, Time, Vol. 1533, No. 26, December 25, 2000.

  2. 2.

    Richard Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars (Simon & Schuster, 2009), 168.

  3. 3.

    George W. Bush, Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on Administration Goals, February 27, 2001.

  4. 4.

    Ibid.

  5. 5.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 173.

  6. 6.

    Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honour: A Memoir of My Years in Washington (Simon & Schuster, 2011), 24.

  7. 7.

    Ibid. 28.

  8. 8.

    There was evidence that certain departments were reviewing the US position toward Iraq. Secretary of State Colin Powell had requested the origins of US policy regarding regime change in Iraq from Edward S Walker Jr., who was from the Bureau on Near Eastern Affairs at the State Department. The memo stated that the United States had supported regime change in Iraq since 1998, and had evolved its position to stress that for as long as Saddam Hussein remains in power, Iraq would remain a threat to its own people, the Persian Gulf region, and the security of the world. See Department of State, Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs Information Memo from Edward S. Walker Jr. to Colin Powell, “Origins of the Iraq Regime Change Policy,” January 23, 2001.

  9. 9.

    John Burns, “Why Saddam Hussein is back on stage,” New York Times, March 4, 2001.

  10. 10.

    Jane Perlez, “Capitol hawks seek tougher line on Iraq,” New York Times, March 7, 2001.

  11. 11.

    George W. Bush, Remarks at the National Defense University, May 1, 2001.

  12. 12.

    Ibid.

  13. 13.

    Phillip Zelikow, “US strategic strategy in 2001–02” in ed. Melvyn P. Leffler, Jeffrey W. Legro, In Uncertain Times American Foreign Policy After the Berlin Wall and 9/11 (Cornell University Press, 2011), 98.

  14. 14.

    Richard Butler, “Restarting the Nuclear Race,” New York Times, May 2, 2001.

  15. 15.

    Richard Dean Burns explores the history of Bush’s decision to abrogate the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty of 1972, in order to advance the implementation of missile defense in the United States. Bush’s decision, as Burns concludes, was politically driven and intricately connected to the resurgence of the Republican Party. Richard Dean Burns, The Missile Defense Systems of George W. Bush: A Critical Assessment (Praeger Security International, 2010).

  16. 16.

    “…from a no-wobble Bush,” Washington Post, June 18, 2001.

  17. 17.

    Donald Rumsfeld, “Toward a 21st Century Deterrence,” Wall Street Journal, June 27, 2001.

  18. 18.

    Shibley Telhami, “Time for realism on handling Iraq,” Washington Post, June 20, 2001.

  19. 19.

    Zelikow, “U.S. Strategic Planning in 2001-02,” 100.

  20. 20.

    “Smarting over Iraq,” Wall Street Journal, July 5, 2001.

  21. 21.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 181.

  22. 22.

    Secretary Rumsfeld, in a recommendation to Condoleezza Rice, recommended a National Security Council meeting concerning Iraq on July 27, 2001. In the recommendation, Secretary Rumsfeld outlined failures that had diminished the overall effectiveness of international sanctions, and suggested the administration reconsider its options regarding Iraq, including withdrawing from enforcing the no-fly zone. However, Secretary Rumsfeld admitted that “If Saddam’s regime was ousted, we would have a much-improved position in the region and elsewhere.” US Defense Department Memo from Donald Rumsfeld to Condoleezza Rice, “Iraq,” July 27, 2001.

  23. 23.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 181.

  24. 24.

    Rich Frank, “It’s good to be the king,” New York Times, July 7, 2001.

  25. 25.

    Thom Shanker, “Gephardt launches an attack on Bush’s foreign policy,” New York Times, August 3, 2001.

  26. 26.

    Robin Wright, “Los Angeles Times Interview; Colin Powell: At the policy helm,” Los Angeles Times, September 9, 2001.

  27. 27.

    Morton Abrahomwitz, “So quiet at the top,” Washington Post, September 11, 2001.

  28. 28.

    Rice, No Higher Honor, 82.

  29. 29.

    George W. Bush, Decision Points (Crown Publishers: New York, 2010), 128.

  30. 30.

    L. Paul Bremer III, “Let us wage total war on our foes,” Wall Street Journal, September 13, 2001.

  31. 31.

    Laurie Mylroie, “The Iraqi Connection,” Wall Street Journal, September 13, 2001.

  32. 32.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 192.

  33. 33.

    “Bush’s advisers split on scope of retaliation,” New York Times, September 20, 2001.

  34. 34.

    “War Aims,” Wall Street Journal, September 20, 2001.

  35. 35.

    George W. Bush, Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the United States Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, September 20, 2001.

  36. 36.

    William Safire, “The ultimate enemy,” New York Times, September 24, 2001.

  37. 37.

    Richard L. Berke, Janet Elder, “Poll finds support for war and fear on economy,” New York Times, September 25, 2001.

  38. 38.

    Rice, No Higher Honor, 90.

  39. 39.

    Brent Scowcroft, “Build a coalition,” Washington Post, October 16, 2001.

  40. 40.

    R. James Woolsey, “The Iraqi connection,” Wall Street Journal, October 18, 2001.

  41. 41.

    Bush, Decision Points, 158.

  42. 42.

    Richard Butler, “Who made the Anthrax,” New York Times, October 18, 2001.

  43. 43.

    Rick Weiss, “Germ Tests points away from Iraq,” Washington Post, October 30, 2001.

  44. 44.

    Joseph Lieberman, “After Bin Laden, we must target Saddam,” Wall Street Journal, October 29, 2001.

  45. 45.

    Bush, Decision Points, 159.

  46. 46.

    Henry Kissinger, “Where do we go from here,” Washington Post, November 26, 2001.

  47. 47.

    Ibid.

  48. 48.

    Kanan Makiya had risen to prominence in the United States with the book Republic of Fear, an account of life under the oppression of Saddam Hussein. Makiya was a vocal Iraqi exile, and the movement in the United States in the late 1990s toward regime change in Iraq follows Makiya’s rising profile. See Kanan Makiya, Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq (University of California Press, 1998) (originally published under the pseudonym Samir al-Khali in 1989). Another good source of Iraqi exile memoirs, although focused on the waging and aftermath of the war in Iraq in 2003, is Ali A. Allawi, The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace (Yale University Press, 2007).

  49. 49.

    Kanan Makiya, “Help Iraqi’s take back their country,” New York Times, November 21, 2001.

  50. 50.

    Ibid.

  51. 51.

    George W. Bush, Remarks at a Welcoming Ceremony for Humanitarian Aid Workers Rescued from Afghanistan and an Exchange with Reporters, November 26, 2001.

  52. 52.

    Wolfowitz, Paul; Shufflebeem, Rear Admiral John. Department of Defense News Briefing. December 10, 2001. Colin Powell gave a similar Defense briefing in 1989, after the United States had gone into Panama, under George H. W. Bush’s orders, to extradite Panama’s leader Manuel Noriega to face drug smuggling charges in the United States. Although the overwhelming military force orchestrated by Powell quickly subdued the Panamanian resistance, Noriega fled into the forest and eluded capture until he handed himself over after the Vatican’s Panamanian embassy denied his attempt to seek asylum. Bob Woodward, The Commanders (Simon and Schuster: New York, 1991), 188.

  53. 53.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 199.

  54. 54.

    Khidhir Hamza, “Each day we wait, Saddam grows more powerful,” Wall Street Journal, December 10, 2001; Khidhir Hamza, “All nuclear and biological roads lead to Iraq’s Hussein,” Los Angeles Times, December 9, 2001.

  55. 55.

    Notes from a briefing between Secretary Rumsfeld and Central Command Chief Tommy Franks showed that the Department of Defense was well ahead in planning for war with Iraq. Secretary Rumsfeld listed possible triggers for the beginning of conflict, including a dispute over weapons inspections, and added that any plans for war should be done confidentially. Secretary Rumsfeld also wrote “Unlike in Afghanistan, important to have ideas in advance about who would rule afterwards.” US Department of Defense Notes from Donald Rumsfeld, [Iraq War Planning], November 27, 2001.

  56. 56.

    Zelikow, “U.S. Strategic Planning in 2001–02,” 109.

  57. 57.

    George W. Bush, Address before a joint session of congress on the State of the Union, January 29, 2002.

  58. 58.

    Department of Defense News Briefing – Secretary Rumsfeld and Gen. Myers, United States Department of Defense, January 24, 2002.

  59. 59.

    Ibid.

  60. 60.

    Margaret Thatcher, “Advice to a superpower,” New York Times, February 11, 2002.

  61. 61.

    Lee A. Casey, David B. Rivkin Jr., “We have the right to oust Saddam,” Wall Street Journal, February 27, 2002.

  62. 62.

    Ibid.

  63. 63.

    “In Cheney’s words: ‘Our role is clear’,” New York Times, February 16, 2002.

  64. 64.

    Department of Defense News Briefing—Secretary Rumsfeld and Gen. Myers, United States Department of Defense, February 12, 2002.

  65. 65.

    Blair wrestled with the comparison to Margaret Thatcher’s support for the 1991 war in his memoir, arguing that any decision for action, or inaction, has a consequence. Blair notes, “Inaction is a decision to maintain the status quo. Maintenance of the status quo has its own result, and usually its own dynamic. So removing Saddam Hussein had enormous consequence. Failure to remove him would not have been free of consequence.” See Tony Blair, A Journey (Hutchinson: London, 2010), 394. As for Thatcher, she consolidated her position throughout 2002, adding in June, “Saddam must go. His continued survival after comprehensively losing the Gulf War has done untold damage to the West’s standing in a region where the only unforgivable sin is weakness.” See Margaret Thatcher, “Don’t go wobbly,” Wall Street Journal, June 17, 2002.

  66. 66.

    Marjorie Miller, “Blair agrees Iraq is ‘a real threat’,” Los Angeles Times, March 1, 2002.

  67. 67.

    “Debating the War,” Washington Post, March 3, 2002.

  68. 68.

    Joseph Lieberman, “Don’t doubt dems: they’re backing the war effort,” Wall Street Journal, March 7, 2002.

  69. 69.

    “Poll: Strong Backing for Bush, War; Few Americans can see easy end to conflict,” Washington Post, March 11, 2002.

  70. 70.

    George W. Bush, The President’s News Conference, March 13, 2002.

  71. 71.

    Ibid.

  72. 72.

    George W. Bush, Interview with the United Kingdom’s ITV television network, April 4, 2002.

  73. 73.

    George W. Bush, The President’s News Conference with Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom in Crawford, Texas, April 6, 2002.

  74. 74.

    Thom Shanker, David E. Sanger, “US Envisions blueprint on Iraq including big invasion next year,” New York Times, April 28, 2002.

  75. 75.

    Hans Blix, Disarming Iraq: The Search for Weapons of Mass Destruction (Bloomsbury, 2005), 60.

  76. 76.

    Walter Pincus, “Rumsfeld disputes value of Iraq Arms Inspections,” Washington Post, April 16, 2002.

  77. 77.

    Ibid.

  78. 78.

    Thom Shanker, “Rumsfeld says Iraq has Chemical arms ready,” New York Times, June 11, 2002.

  79. 79.

    Carla Anne Robbins and Jeanne Cummings, “New Doctrine: How Bush decided that Iraq’s Hussein must be ousted,” Wall Street Journal, June 14, 2002.

  80. 80.

    Alan Sipress, “Hill leaders back bush order on Hussein,” Washington Post, June 17, 2002.

  81. 81.

    “Battle plans for Iraq,” New York Times, July 6, 2002.

  82. 82.

    James Dao, “Senate Panel to ask Bush aides to give details on his Iraq policy,” New York Times, July 10, 2002.

  83. 83.

    Joseph R. Biden Jr., Richard Lugar, “Debating Iraq,” New York Times, July 31, 2002.

  84. 84.

    George W. Bush, The President’s News Conference, July 8, 2002.

  85. 85.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 216.

  86. 86.

    Brent Scowcroft, “Don’t attack Saddam,” Wall Street Journal, August 15, 2002.

  87. 87.

    James Baker III, “The Right Way to change a regime,” New York Times, August 25, 2002.

  88. 88.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 219.

  89. 89.

    “In Cheney’s words: The Administration case for removing Saddam Hussein,” New York Times, August 27, 2002.

  90. 90.

    Ibid.

  91. 91.

    Ibid.

  92. 92.

    George W. Bush, Remarks prior to discussions with Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom and an exchange with reporters at Camp David, Maryland, September 7, 2002.

  93. 93.

    Adam Clymer, Janet Elder, “Poll Finds unease on Terror fight and concerns about war on Iraq,” New York Times, September 8, 2002.

  94. 94.

    James A. Baker III, “The U.N. Route,” Washington Post, September 15, 2002.

  95. 95.

    Ibid.

  96. 96.

    Zelikow, “U.S. Strategic Planning in 2001–02,” 115.

  97. 97.

    Maggie Farley, John Hendren, “Rumsfeld makes case for War,” Los Angeles Times, September 19, 2002.

  98. 98.

    Peter Slevin, “Powell casts attack on Iraq as ‘liberation’; U.S. would emphasize democracy, ‘New Era’,” Washington Post, September 20, 2002.

  99. 99.

    Ibid.

  100. 100.

    George W. Bush, Remarks following a meeting with congressional leaders and an exchange with reporters, September 18, 2002.

  101. 101.

    George W. Bush, Remarks following meeting with congressional leaders, September 26, 2002.

  102. 102.

    The US media evolved in relation to Bush’s stance on Iraq and a good example is writer, and commentator, Christopher Hitchens, who was prolific in his contribution to the media in the United States in the aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks in 2001. He wrote, in great detail, about the necessity of the military operation in Afghanistan and the war on terror. However, his contributions regarding an intervention in Iraq change from September 2002, until February 2003. Hitchens begins by describing the “debt” owed by the United States to persecuted Iraqis and Kurds that could only be repaid with the ouster of Saddam Hussein. He criticizes Bush, in October 2002, for not being proactive in detailing the crimes of Saddam Hussein, and the administrations intended response, and by the end of the month he is denouncing the critics of war and labeling the Left as “affectless, neutralist, smirking” supporters of isolationism. By February, Hitchens wishes the antiwar demonstrations would be washed away, and welcomes with open arms the inevitable military intervention in Iraq. See ed. Simon Cottee and Thomas Cushman, Christopher Hitchens and His Critics: Terror, Iraq, and the Left (New York University Press, 2008).

  103. 103.

    George W. Bush, Remarks following a meeting with Congressional Leaders and an exchange with reporters, October 1, 2002.

  104. 104.

    George W. Bush, Remarks announcing bipartisan agreement on a joint resolution to authorize the use of United States armed forces against Iraq, October 2, 2002.

  105. 105.

    George W. Bush, Address to the nation on Iraq from Cincinnati, Ohio, October 7, 2002.

  106. 106.

    Senator Robert Byrd, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, Senate Congressional Record, October 7, 2002, S10007.

  107. 107.

    Senator Ted Stevens, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, Senate Congressional Record, October 7, 2002, S10022.

  108. 108.

    Senator Joe Lieberman, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, Senate Congressional Record, October 8, 2002, S10063–4.

  109. 109.

    Senator John McCain, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, Senate Congressional Record, October 8, 2002, S10064.

  110. 110.

    Senator John Kerry, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, Senate Congressional Record, S10174, October 9, 2002.

  111. 111.

    Representative Paul Ryan, Authorization of the Use of United States Armed Forces Against Iraq, House Congressional Record, October 9, 2002, Part Two, H7728.

  112. 112.

    George W. Bush, Remarks on signing the authorization for use of military force against Iraq resolution of 2002, October 16, 2002.

  113. 113.

    Mohammed Aldouri, “Iraq States its case,” New York Times, October 17, 2002.

  114. 114.

    Mohamed El-Baradei, “Inspections are the key,” Washington Post, October 21, 2002.

  115. 115.

    John McCain, “No time to sleep,” Washington Post, October 24, 2002.

  116. 116.

    Eric Schmitt and Thom Shanker, “Pentagon Sets up intelligence Unit,” New York Times, October 24, 2002.

  117. 117.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 230.

  118. 118.

    George W. Bush, The President’s news conference, November 7, 2002.

  119. 119.

    Ibid.

  120. 120.

    George W. Bush, Remarks on the passage of a United Nations Security Council resolution on Iraq, November 8, 2002.

  121. 121.

    Colin Powell, “Baghdad’s moment of truth,” Washington Post, November 10, 2002.

  122. 122.

    Craig Smith, “Groups outline Plans for governing a Post-Hussein Iraq,” New York Times, December 18, 2002.

  123. 123.

    Joseph Biden; Chuck Hagel, “Iraq: The Decade After,” Washington Post, December 20, 2002.

  124. 124.

    Lynette Clemetson, “Threats and Responses: Rally; Thousands Converge on Capital to protest plans for War,” New York Times, January 19, 2003.

  125. 125.

    “A stirring in the Nation,” New York Times, January 20, 2003.

  126. 126.

    Condoleezza Rice, “Why we know Iraq is lying,” New York Times, January 23, 2003.

  127. 127.

    Rice, No Higher Honour, 196–197.

  128. 128.

    Ibid. 199.

  129. 129.

    George W. Bush, State of the Union Address, January 28, 2003.

  130. 130.

    Rice, No Higher Honour, 198.

  131. 131.

    George W. Bush, State of the Union Address, January 28, 2003.

  132. 132.

    Ronald Brownstein, “The TIMES Poll/showdown with Iraq: Americans wary of war but willing to let Bush wage it,” Los Angeles Times, February 4, 2003.

  133. 133.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 241–242.

  134. 134.

    George W. Bush, Remarks on the Iraqi regime’s noncompliance with United Nations resolutions, February 6, 2003.

  135. 135.

    Ibid.

  136. 136.

    Haass, War of Necessity, War of Choice, 240–241.

  137. 137.

    Angela Merkel, “Schroeder doesn’t speak for all Germans,” Washington Post, February 20, 2003.

  138. 138.

    Jose Ramos-Horta, “War for peace? It worked in my country,” New York Times, February 25, 2003.

  139. 139.

    John Howard, “You can’t ‘contain’ Saddam,” Wall Street Journal, February 26, 2003. John Howard’s support was useful to Bush for domestic, as well as diplomatic, reasons. Howard’s vocal support in the American media supported Bush’s contention that allies were behind US decisions to confront Iraq. However, the long history of the ANZUS treaty meant Australia would aid the United States in any conflict, and Howard was not about to renege on that commitment. See Joseph Siracusa, “John Howard, Australia, and the Coalition of the Willing,” Yale Journal of International Affairs, Winter/Spring (2006).

  140. 140.

    Robert McFadden, “From New York to Melbourne, cries for peace,” New York Times, February 16, 2003.

  141. 141.

    “Powell’s Smoking Gun,” Wall Street Journal, February 6, 2003.

  142. 142.

    Ibid. The Wall Street Journal’s contrasting reports in its European publication highlight the different language between the different audiences. Where the New York version of the Wall Street Journal is adamant that Powell’s presentation needs no further discussion, the European version arrays Powell’s evidence before the European audience. In “The Smoking Gun,” Wall Street Journal, Europe, February 6, 2003, the editorial explains “The evidence Secretary Powell put on display, of mobile factories for producing chemical and biological weapons, ties with terrorists and nuclear aspirations was derived from a variety of sources, including communications intercepts and satellite photos. It was plentiful and convincing.” Further, the presentation “only added to the enormous swing of support behind President Bush from across Europe.” As proof of this support, the Wall Street Journal referred to a piece published in late January by a cohort of European leaders who had sided with Bush. France and Germany were the notable exclusions. See Jose Maria Aznar, Jose-Manuel Durao Barroso, Silvio Berlusconi, Tony Blair, Vaclav Havel, Peter Medgyesst, Leszek Miller, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, “United we stand,” Wall Street Journal, January 30, 2003.

  143. 143.

    “Back to the United Nations,” New York Times, February 13, 2003.

  144. 144.

    George W. Bush, Remarks at the American Enterprise Institute Dinner, February 26, 2003.

  145. 145.

    Rice, No Higher Honour, 199.

  146. 146.

    George W. Bush, The President’s news conference, March 6, 2003.

  147. 147.

    Mohamed El-Baradei, “Let Us Inspect,” Wall Street Journal, March 7, 2003. In the European edition of the Wall Street Journal, El-Baradei’s piece was retitled “What I will tell the U.N. Today About Iraq.” This is another example of the different impressions shown to different audiences through the title of the op-ed. To the American audience, El-Baradei is seen to be appealing. To the European audience, El-Baradei is declaring. The contents of the piece remain the same. Mohamed El-Baradei, “What I will Tell the U.N. Today About Iraq,” Wall Street Journal, Europe, March 7, 2003.

  148. 148.

    George W. Bush, Press conference with Prime Minister Jose Manuel Durao Barroso of Portugal, President Jose Maria Aznar of Spain, and Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom in the Azores, Portugal, March 16, 2003.

  149. 149.

    George W. Bush, Address to the Nation on Iraq, March 17, 2003.

  150. 150.

    Ibid.

  151. 151.

    John Harwood, “Countdown to War: Public Support for War climbs in the U.S., U.K.,” Wall Street Journal, Europe, March 19, 2003. The News Poll results in March 2003 reflected the long-held belief in America that Saddam Hussein would have to be forced out of Iraq. Ole R. Holsti notes that “Pew, Gallup, and CBS/New York Times surveys between 1992 and 2003 found majorities ranging from 52 percent to 74 percent favouring the use of force to remove Saddam, although in no case did as many as two respondents in five favour doing so ‘even if allies won’t join.’ Thus the administration’s active campaign to link Iraq with weapons of mass destruction and al Qaeda found an audience ready to believe the worst about the Baghdad regime.” Ole R. Holsti, American Public Opinion and the Iraq War (University of Michigan, 2011), 133.

  152. 152.

    Tom Zeller, “How Americans Link Iraq and Sept. 11,” New York Times, March 2, 2003.

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Siracusa, J.M., Visser, L.J. (2020). An Axis of Evil, 2001–2003. In: Going to War with Iraq. The Evolving American Presidency. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30163-7_4

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