Abstract
In this concluding chapter all visions are summarized and compared, using the peace cube as a conceptual tool. Three main faultlines are identified. First a professional one: governmental peace workers see peace as a limited goal, whereas civil society peaceworkers see it as a holistic process. Second, a geographical divide: Dutch peace workers tend to see peace as a political objective—dubbed ‘Security Council peace’—whereas for peace workers from Lebanon and Mindanao, it is primarily a personal endeavour—they work on ‘UNESCO peace’, or peace in the minds of men and women. Finally, a hierarchical divide: privileged groups tend to work on civil peace, or peace-as-harmony, whereas peaceworkers from marginalized groups favour peace-as-justice. These observations are tied back into the literature on peacebuilding, discussing both the four alternatives to liberal peace identified in Chap. 2, as well as more recent developments such as the notion of sustaining peace.
When I was still doing research, peace had a lot to do with governance. (…) [But] when I started managing projects and work with grassroots organizations, I found out that it had a lot do to with socio-economic development, education, job security. So it’s not a universal phenomenon, it really depends on your experience.
(Interview Mitzi Austero (Non-violence International, Mindanao))
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- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
In Sect. 9.4.
- 4.
See Chap. 5, Sect. 5.3.2.
- 5.
Interview Joost van Puijenbroek (PAX, the Netherlands). See also Sect. 6.2.
- 6.
See Sects. 6.3 and 9.3.2 below.
- 7.
See Chap. 8, Sect. 8.2.4.
- 8.
See, e.g., the comparison with achieving 100% vaccination coverage by the WHO, mentioned in Sect. 6.1.
- 9.
See Chap. 8, Sect. 8.2.4.
- 10.
See Chap. 3, Sect. 3.1.1.
- 11.
- 12.
See Chap. 5, Sect. 5.4.
- 13.
See Sect. 8.2.2. A similar move can be observed amongst Lebanese non-violent activists. See Chap. 7, Sect. 7.2.2.
- 14.
Interview Ziad Saab (Fighters for Peace, Lebanon).
- 15.
See Sect. 6.2.
- 16.
See Sect. 3.1.1. See also Sects. 7.3.3 and 8.4.3.
- 17.
In Chap. 6, it was shown that the political reading of peace was also more popular amongst more ‘senior’ civil society peace workers, including the interviewed directors of Dutch NGOs. See Sects. 6.4.4 and 5.3.1. I will return to this point below.
- 18.
Although sometimes this mandate is contested, as, e.g., the Dutch involvement in the 2003 Iraq war shows. The point here, however, is that the Dutch Army is never asked to intervene in an area by UNESCO, making their deployment intrinsically part of political, rather than personal, peacebuilding efforts. Cf. also the second military vision of peace as a functioning state authority in Sect. 4.2.
- 19.
See Chap. 7, Sect. 7.3.3.
- 20.
As it is the only organ that can issue binding resolutions on member states.
- 21.
In terms of position (e.g. NGO directors), not necessarily age or experience.
- 22.
Though arguably also the majority of the settler interviewees treats—civil—peace as a personal phenomenon, a position dealt with below.
- 23.
E.g., in Sects. 4.5, 5.3.4, 6.4.4 and 6.5.
- 24.
The visions of Dutch civil society peace workers also offer many possibilities for complementarity, but given their rather holistic view of ‘Peace Writ Large’ and the insistence by part of them that the process is more important than the outcome (see Sect. 9.3.1 above), this should not come as a surprise.
- 25.
At the level of operational visions that is, for more practical problems see, e.g. (De Coning and Friis 2011).
- 26.
To expand a metaphor originally developed in (Mac Ginty 2008: 145).
- 27.
See Sect. 5.3.1. We saw in par 6.3.4 that part of the Dutch civil society peace workers suffers from the same blind spot for any kind of peace that is not political in nature.
- 28.
E.g., anonymous interview diplomat #5 (Dutch MoFA, North Africa and Middle East Department (DAM)). See Chap. 5, Sect. 5.3.4.
- 29.
Anonymous interview diplomat #1 (Dutch MoFA, Stabilization and Humanitarian Aid Department (DSH))
- 30.
Anonymous interview diplomat #3 Dutch MoFA, DSH).
- 31.
Interview Rosalie Sluijter (retired diplomat, the Netherlands). See Chap. 5, Sect. 5.3.4. See also (Richmond and Franks 2009: 54–82) on the failure of statebuilding in Bosnia; (Whitt 2010) on levels of distrust; and (Puljek-Shank 2017) on how local civil society organizations deal with the neopatrimonial character of Bosnian institutions.
- 32.
See also Chap. 6, Sect. 6.4.4.
- 33.
See Chap. 8, Sect. 8.4.
- 34.
See Chap. 8, Sect. 8.2.1.
- 35.
See Sect. 9.3.1.
- 36.
- 37.
With the interesting exception of a few civil society peace workers who had worked closely with marginalized groups such as Palestinians or Kashmiri. E.g., interviews Marjolein Wijninckx (PAX, the Netherlands), Marjan Lucas (independent consultant, the Netherlands).
- 38.
See Chap. 2, Sects. 2.3 and 2.4.
- 39.
See Chap. 2, Sect. 2.2.
- 40.
For their attitudes towards democracy, see a.o. their low scores for the Q-statement ‘peace means living in a democratic state with rule of law’ reported in Chap. 3, Sect. 3.1.2 and Appendix B. For the political/economic character of peace, see Sects. 5.2 and 5.3.1.
- 41.
See Chap. 6, Sects. 6.4.2 and 6.4.3.
- 42.
Though not necessarily more emancipatory forms of peace, since military officers tend to stress the need for a functioning state authority as a second step in building peace.
- 43.
See Chap. 3, Sect. 3.1.2.
- 44.
- 45.
The interviews did not provide sufficient data to draw any conclusions on this, but future research more focused on this particular question could.
- 46.
See Chap. 6, Sect. 6.4.4.
- 47.
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van Iterson Scholten, G.M. (2020). Conclusion: Visions, Divisions, Tensions and Solutions. In: Visions of Peace of Professional Peace Workers. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27975-2_9
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