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Organizations Matter: German Schools and Educational Performance Amid Brazilian Coffee Plantations (1840–1940)

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Globalization and the Rise of Mass Education

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Economic History ((PEHS))

Abstract

Current literature on human capital accumulation has significantly advanced our understanding of the historical origins of current educational outcomes. Historical dependence, however, is not deterministic and shocks can change the levels and trends of educational performance in the short and long run. A particularly important shock refers to immigration, as flows of foreign-born carry stocks of human capital, potential demands for schooling and specific cultural traits. Albeit increasingly convincing in their identification strategies, studies of the historical relationship between immigration and education still present some gaps in terms of transmission channels. After arguing that, on average, immigrants positively affected educational path dependence in Latin America, we are still left with the question of how this happened. This chapter contributes to this question by studying the history of educational organizations founded by a specific group of immigrants in a delimited geographic area, namely German-speaking immigrants in São Paulo, Brazil. Despite being a minority group, German-speakers strongly influenced schooling in the region. By the mid-nineteenth century, these immigrants were mainly laborers in the coffee plantations of São Paulo. Consequently, I first analyze the existence of schools in some of these plantations. I then study the foundation and administration of German schools, which showed a large array of strategies in dealing with the supply of education. These schools varied in size, location, curricula, ideological orientation, financial stability and social interconnections with the local population. Studying these historical components contributes to our understanding of how organizations mattered in molding the institutional path dependence of education.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Naritomi et al. (2012) show a negative impact of sugar plantations and gold extraction on Brazilian institutions. However, they do not find a direct impact of colonial production on current spending on education.

  2. 2.

    A seminal contribution with relatively different results is that of Musacchio et al. (2014).

  3. 3.

    Based on archival research conducted at the Instituto Martius-Staden. See Witzel de Souza (2014).

  4. 4.

    The extremely rich literature on the transition from slavery in Brazil includes Buarque de Holanda (1941), Dean (1977), Witter (1982), Stolcke and Hall (1983), Lamounier (1986) and Viotti da Costa (1998).

  5. 5.

    See also Manzel et al. (2012), Chaudhary et al. (2012, 6–7) and Frankema (2009, 366–7).

  6. 6.

    In an unsettled debate, Dean (1977, 113) defends that poverty had no effect on immigrants’ self-selection to Brazil.

  7. 7.

    For specific German schools, see Bezerra (2001, 2007), Santos Nobre (2004), Ribeiro (2005) and Gouvêa (2011).

  8. 8.

    See also the reports by Tschudi translated in Heflinger (2009, 90–105).

  9. 9.

    O Mercantil (17/08/1850, p. 2).

  10. 10.

    This Swiss schoolmaster became the leader of an important immigrants’ strike in 1856—the so-called Sharecropper’s Riot—which influenced the decline of contract labor as an immigration policy.

  11. 11.

    Similar to the rate bill in New England before mass schooling (Engerman et al. 2009).

  12. 12.

    I could not determine whether these two schools were actually just one.

  13. 13.

    Valdetaro (1857–1858), “Mapa Demonstrativo das cinco colônias existente no Município da Limeira […], 25/01/1854”—APESP, Lata C07213—Colônia.

  14. 14.

    See “Carta de Nicolau de C. Vergueiro […] 06/01/1852,” in Heflinger (2009, 41–2).

  15. 15.

    See “Johann Jacob von Tschudi, ausserordentlicher […],” Bundesarchiv Bern, E2#2103#101.

  16. 16.

    Correio Paulistano (20/06/1869, p. 1) and Diário de S. Paulo (01/08/1875, p. 2).

  17. 17.

    See Witzel de Souza (2019) and references therein as well as Correio Paulistano—1870 (08/02, p. 1; 26/11, p. 2).

  18. 18.

    Valdetaro (1857–1858); O Estado de São Paulo (13/04/1934).

  19. 19.

    As pointed out at the country level by Engerman et al. (2009).

  20. 20.

    This “historical stock” of schools ignores the disappearance of specific organizations over time.

  21. 21.

    For case studies on German-speaking rural communities in São Paulo, see Grininger (1991), Bezerra (2001), Alves (2007), Silva (2010) and Varussa (2017). Karastojanov (1998) provides an account of German-speakers in Campinas.

  22. 22.

    The Brazilian Empire (1822–1889), having Roman Catholicism as the State’s religion, did not allow for the burial of non-Catholics in official cemeteries.

  23. 23.

    See Ruch (1937), Sommer (1953, VI), Haach (1999, 710), Karastojanov (1998, 51, 91) and Simson (mimeo, p. 5).

  24. 24.

    I did not carry a systematic research about Sunday schools, but they seem to have been important. See, e.g., the letters of Johannes and Frederico Krähenbühl, Piracicaba (07/09/1872) in Krähenbühl (2007, 43).

  25. 25.

    This colloquial plural for Germans consolidated in the countryside of São Paulo. The term remains associated with phenotypes, ignoring variations of nationalities and cultures.

  26. 26.

    School Germania was short-lived and shut down in 1878 (Jahn 1905, 360).

  27. 27.

    For the relevance of preserving the German language, for instance, see examples in: Instituto Martius-Staden: Fragebogen Deutsche Schule Rio Claro, 1927—Doc. N. 10858; Dr. Paul Kölle—Instituto Kölle Rio Claro (Docs. N. 41007 and 40628) and Kirchdorf (Habermann 1937).

  28. 28.

    Theoretical discussion in Chaudhary et al. (2012, 4–5) and evidence for German-Brazilians in Seyferth (2013, 585–7).

  29. 29.

    Grininger (1991, 128–40), however, discusses the shortcomings faced by local politicians associated with Helvetia. For the financial situation of the school in Kirchdorf: Instituto Martius-Staden, II. Einnahme, Kirchdorf, 1929/30.

  30. 30.

    See similar evidence for colony Riograndense in the 1920s in Silva (2010, 89).

  31. 31.

    See other cases in Valdetaro (1857–1858); “Johann Jacob von Tschudi, ausserordentlicher […]”; Peter Krähenbühl (07/09/1872) and João Krähenbühl (31/01/1899) in Krähenbühl (2007, 43, 67).

  32. 32.

    This discussion complements Carvalho Filho and Colistete (2010, 8–11) and Seyferth (2013, 584–6).

  33. 33.

    See a similar argument in Engerman et al. (2009) and Wegenast (2010, 110).

  34. 34.

    Manzel et al. (2012, 958) come to a similar conclusion. Seyferth (2013, footnote 26) points to the same direction in her analysis of German schools in southern Brazil.

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  1. University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany

    Bruno Gabriel Witzel de Souza

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  1. Department of Economics, University of Maryland, Baltimore, MD, USA

    David Mitch

  2. Department of Economics and Statistics, University of Siena, Siena, Italy

    Gabriele Cappelli

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Witzel de Souza, B.G. (2019). Organizations Matter: German Schools and Educational Performance Amid Brazilian Coffee Plantations (1840–1940). In: Mitch, D., Cappelli, G. (eds) Globalization and the Rise of Mass Education. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25417-9_8

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