Abstract
In China, the attempt to publicly provide mass education to its population came relatively late, after the twentieth century. Replacing the traditional Confucian teaching system, a fully Western-inspired new education system was introduced at the dawn of the twentieth century as a route to national salvation. This chapter studies this critical juncture of Chinese history by first reviewing the expansion and virtues of the new system. I further discuss the driving forces and challenges. The real implementation of this national education system was highly decentralized and the de facto power was in the hands of local governments and local political elites; therefore, the variations in mass education provision across regions and through time were determined by the different preferences of local elites and the political and economic opportunities that they faced in a rapidly changing context.
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Notes
- 1.
Modern education systems are distinctly different even among these successful cases, but fundamentally similar in several core characteristics: They are universal, mandatory, secular and academic. The phrase “modern education system” in this chapter refers to an education system that bears the above characteristics and contrasts with China’s traditional Confucian teaching.
- 2.
The civil service examination system was implemented as early as the Tang dynasty (618–896) and had existed for more than 1000 years before its abolition in 1905. It had a deep influence on Chinese society. In fact, the university entrance examination system in contemporary China evolved indirectly from the imperial one.
- 3.
Under the traditional system, one may spend many years preparing for multiple ranks of examinations without being able to predict the length of schooling (Elman 2008; Xu et al. 2013). On average, basic training in classic canons, poems and articles took 6–7 years, and several more years were spent in writing eight-legged essays. Most lower degree holders (Shengyuan) enrolled in government schools in their twenties, and most of the top degree holders (Jinshi) finished the final Palace exam when they were 35–37 years old (Chang 1955).
- 4.
There were two types of public school that also provided elementary education: Yixue (charity school, 义学) and Shexue (community school, 社学). However, their share in total elementary education was small; according to Rawski (1979, pp. 33–36), over the Qing dynasty about 13,400 out of 40 million school-aged boys enrolled in these publicly provided elementary schools.
- 5.
The most commonly seen educational institutes providing elementary-level education are collectively called private popular schools (Sishu 私塾), i.e., single-teacher operations run for profit. Sishu literally means private schools. They vary a great deal from every standpoint (Rawski 1979, pp. 44–53), and more detailed elaboration of them is outside the scope of this study.
- 6.
Classical education in medieval Europe shared similar drawbacks to China’s in that the curriculum was at first based on religious principles and the medium of teaching was Latin.
- 7.
The content of the civil service examination was very narrowly focused. In order to excel in it, the core of the traditional curriculum was accordingly focused on “Confucian learning” (儒学 ruxue) only. The curriculum experienced a slight change through time. After the Qing period, it mainly consisted of three parts: (i) a common classical language; (ii) memorization of a shared canon; and (iii) the ability to write elegant essays, known as 8-legged essays (Elman 2008, pp. 46–93).
- 8.
From the 1860s, we can list two opium wars, the first Sino-Japanese war, the Franco-Chinese war and occupation of Peking by 8 nations after the Boxer rebellion.
- 9.
For instance, one government official stated that “the military successes of Meiji Japan were a model for China and that emulating the Japanese would require expanded education in the sciences and industry” (Elman 2009, p. 201).
- 10.
A total of 5 education acts were passed in the first half of the twentieth century.
Act
Passed by
Major progress
Education Act 1902
Qing Court
Outlined the foundation of the first modern educational system
Failed to be implemented
Education Act 1904
Qing Court
The first education act was put into practice.
Very similar to the Education Act 1902
Education Act 1912
Nationalist Government
Lower-primary education became compulsory
Female students were included in primary school
Education Act 1922
Beiyang Government
The structure of schooling changed to 6-3-3
The regulations on vocational and normal education were modified
Education Act 1928
Nationalist Government
No major adjustments
- 11.
There are no systematic data reporting the national literacy rate in China during this period. Perkins estimates that less than 50% of males over the school age in 1880s could be regarded as literate (Perkins 1975, p. 4). Rawski argues that even though the variation could be remarkably wide across regions, a rough guess at the literacy rate during the late Qing might be 30–45% for males and 2–10% for females (Rawski 1979, pp. 8–23). If these estimates are valid, nineteenth-century China had a very similar level of literacy to that of late Tokugawa Japan, where the rate for men was estimated at 40–50%, and for women at 13–17% (Ohkawa and Rosovsky 1973, p. 8).
- 12.
In 1898, reforms in educational content would be implemented during the “100-days reform (戊戌变法),” but then the conservatives re-asserted themselves (Zarrow and Karl 2002).
- 13.
The “Three Principles of the People” is a political philosophy developed by the founder of the Republic of China—Sun Yat-Sen. These three principles are often translated and summarized as nationalism, democracy and economic security (民主, 民生, 民权) (Lary 2007, p. 21).
- 14.
Of the three tracks, there is no denying that the progress of general schooling dominated, occupying 60–70% of secondary education.
- 15.
Women from the higher social classes, e.g., gentry families, may have received some home education, focusing on Chinese literature and female ethics.
- 16.
The proportion of females in secondary schools did not exceed 4% before 1930, but the girls accounted for about 18% of normal school students (equivalent to secondary school) (Tao 1923, p. 4).
- 17.
Students in normal schools were exempt from paying tuition fees, and their living expenses were also covered by public funding. In recompense, after graduation, they had to serve at least three years in a local primary school (Li 1997).
- 18.
Issuing lower secondary school diplomas to students who finished 3 years of secondary schooling partially accounted for the significant decline in the number of dropouts.
- 19.
60% of universities were concentrated in Beijing and Shanghai.
- 20.
Tertiary education includes universities (4-year program) and colleges (usually institutions that offered a 2-year program).
- 21.
One thing worth stressing is that the Japanese invasion did not hugely damage tertiary education. Most of the universities, located in big cities, were able to take advantage of the relative safety of the international settlements and French concessions in these cities. Meanwhile, the universities located in occupied China did not cease to operate; they merely fled south and continued to function throughout the war.
- 22.
Although the damaging effect of the Cultural Revolution is generally regarded as continuing for some 10 years, there was a gradual “return to normality” throughout the 1970s, since universities began to reopen in 1972. But the quality of education remained low, because educational opportunity was still tied to political conformity and family origin, not to academic performance. Contrary to what one might have anticipated, the primary schooling enrolment ratios managed to maintain the increasing trend after 1968 throughout the late Mao period. Unlike higher education, most primary schools continued to operate during the Cultural Revolution. By the 1980s, almost every commune had its own primary school; however, the quality of education was considerably compromised.
- 23.
The university entrance examination was restored only in 1977. The rise of tertiary education accelerated after the 1990s when private universities were re-introduced in 1994.
- 24.
The Law on Nine-Year Compulsory Education, drafted on July 1, 1986, established requirements and deadlines for attaining universal education tailored to local conditions and guaranteed school-age children the right to receive at least nine years of education (six-year primary education and three years secondary education).
- 25.
If all educational decisions are made at the local level, the system is highly decentralized. However, in practice many education systems are partly decentralized and somewhere between the two extremes (UNESCO 2013).
- 26.
Under Qing rule, county government should work only as a state agent in tax collection. Apart from a minimal amount retained to support basic government operations, most of the tax revenue was remitted to the provincial level and then to central government (Marianne 1985; Zelin 1984, pp. 26–62). However, the collection procedure was carried out by the county governments; therefore, the common practice of charging permissible surtax for local use on local projects was widely seen.
- 27.
To show the austerity of public primary school, on average one primary school could accommodate only about 50 pupils. Local primary schools are also often recorded as occupying the older property of a traditional academy that was renovated to form a new schoolhouse. Sometimes Buddhist temples and traditional Tangs, where local people worshipped their ancestors, were confiscated for use as new schools (Gamble and Burgess 1921, p. 130). The conditions were so modest that these schools often lacked on-site toilets (Liao 1936, p. 69).
- 28.
It is clear that local governments levied various surtaxes and other forms of commercial charges to fund local projects, including primary schools. For instance, Shandong and Zhili provinces first began to allow local governments to levy surcharges on land tax for local flood control and famine relief after the severe flooding of the Yellow River in 1903; these opened the door to surcharges on the land tax, which then became prevalent across China. The central state made great efforts to consolidate the excessive local taxes after the collapse of the Qing dynasty. However, local taxation was well beyond control. Throughout the first few decades of the twentieth century, increasing varieties of surcharges on land tax were enforced, and the tax rates of these newly issued items rose drastically, far exceeding what the state regulated. For instance, according to contemporary documentation, as many as 673 new items were taxed by county governments, which made the systematic management of land tax impossible (Liu 1935, p. 187; Sun 1935, pp. 213–217).
- 29.
The system of endowed school land (学田) emerged very early during the Northern Song period (960–1127) and matured in the Qing dynasty. In general, endowed school land was land bestowed by the Court or donated by local elites and used exclusively to support traditional academies, including county academies and prefectural academies.
- 30.
In Europe, religious and philosophical groups had long been predominant in education. It is clear that government intervention in education starting from the nineteenth century was an endeavor to establish a national education, which could monopolize not only educational resources, but also rising nationalism.
- 31.
The formation of a national education system began across Europe in the nineteenth century, initiated by thriving “national sentiment” (Ramirez and Boli 1987). Later, the mass education movement in America between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is also argued to have been largely a political outcome of the surge of independence and democracy (Bowles and Gintis 1976; Dewey 1916). Similarly, the Communist and Socialist educational “brainwashing” in the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc and later China between the 1950s and 1980s, also pursued a single goal—the communist indoctrination of the populace (Lott 1999).
- 32.
The throne issued an imperial edict in 1901 calling for reform proposals and initiated the era of the dynasty’s “New Policy,” also known as the “Late Qing Reform.”
- 33.
It is worth noting that the meaning of local Elites in Imperial China was very different from the meaning of aristocrats in the Western context. China had used a civil service exam system to recruit its officials and social Elites for one thousand years; thus, its most important elite group was degree holders or literati. By passing a series of exams, a very small percentage of the top degree holders became state bureaucrats (national Elites) and attained offices outside their home provinces, while a much larger group of lower degree holders, with no eligibility to held official posts, constituted the elite group at the local communities.
- 34.
For instance, before the compulsory education law drafted in the USA, many states had already spontaneously provided compulsory secondary schooling for their citizens (Goldin and Katz 2009).
- 35.
The direct state control never penetrated beyond county level (Deng 2011, p. 26; Qu 2003, p. 5), the daily life of people was organized in the natural village. The village was not a state administrative unit; therefore, the head of a village was not a state official either. The village head was often chosen from local elites. In fact, the lower degree holders held most of the influential and lucrative posts, including village heads, relief managers, tax agents, clerks for magistrates and others (Chang 1962; Duara 1988, p. 159; Wakeman and Grant 1975, p. 4).
- 36.
The academies under the traditional education system were by modern standards equivalent to public higher education institutions.
- 37.
- 38.
After the collapse of the Qing dynasty, to address the persistent popularity of Sishu across the country, a series of regulations was launched calling for their improvement to a standard comparable with the modern primary schools (Borthwick 1983, p. 81). None of these reform programs achieved very much.
- 39.
The Sishu remained widespread only until 1949, when the Communist Party forcibly swept them out. In order to transform China into a socialist state-ownership system, on accessing power the Communist party demolished the whole private sector. Along with this economic and political line, all private schools, including Sishu, were forced to disappear (Deng 1997, p. 8).
- 40.
As the Sishu lacked the official status of recognized educational institutions under the Republican government (both the Beiyang and the later Nationalist governments), neither educational yearbooks nor national surveys carry any record of them.
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Gao, P. (2019). Risen from the Chaos: The Emergence of Modern Education in China. In: Mitch, D., Cappelli, G. (eds) Globalization and the Rise of Mass Education. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25417-9_10
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