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From King Sobhuza II’s Auto-Coup D’état to the Era of Constitutional Void and Royal Benevolent Despotism

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A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960–1982

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Abstract

This chapter deals with the extra-constitutional measures King Sobhuza II took to resolve the stand-off between the judicial and legislative arms of government by staging an auto-coup d’état against the Independence Constitution and assuming personal rule—a development that has eluded scholars in their study of the 1973 constitutional crisis in Swaziland. The auto-coup was followed by a period of royal benevolent despotism that filled the constitutional void and was characterized by a combination of harsh draconian proclamations and decrees, and a paternalistic, reconciliatory, and integrative approach towards King Sobhuza’s political opponents. King Sobhuza never succeeded in filling the constitutional void he created before his death in 1982, although he managed to reinstate Parliament.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The concept of “auto-coup”, which will be explained in detail in this chapter, deals with the overthrow of the constitution by a Head of State who came to power by constitutional means or a monarch who owes his position both to a dynastic line and the constitution.

  2. 2.

    The expression “Benevolent Despotism” is coined from European history. Benevolent despotism refers to the conduct and policies of European absolute monarchs during the second half of eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries who were influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment. They exercised absolute political power for the benefit of the people, rather than exclusively for themselves or the elites. Typical examples of benevolent despots included Frederick II of Prussia (1740–1786), Joseph II (1790) and Leopold II (1790–1792) of Austria, Catherine II (1762–1796) of Russia, See H. M. Scott (ed.), Enlightened Absolutism: Reform and Reformers in Later Eighteenth Century Europe C. 1750–1790 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1990); Geoffrey Bruun, The Enlightened Despots (New York: Henry Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967); Adam Smith, X. V. Louis, X. V. I. Louis, Bourbon Spain, V. Philip, Hanoverian England, I. George, et al., ‘Europe in the Age of Enlightenment, 1720–1789’, A Handbook of Civilization: Earliest Times to the Present (1974): 308.

  3. 3.

    Guided democracy, also called ‘managed’ or ‘manipulated’ democracy is a formally democratic government that functions as a de facto autocracy. The government controls elections so that the people can exercise all their rights without truly changing public policy. While they follow basic democratic principles, there can be major deviations towards authoritarianism. Under this qualified democracy, the state’s continuous use of propaganda techniques prevents the electorate from having a significant impact on policy (Baladas Ghoshal, Indonesian Politics, 1955–59: The Emergence of Guided Democracy [K.P. Bagchi, 1982]).

  4. 4.

    Since the end of the Cold War in 1989, coup d’états in Africa have declined and are no longer attractive. The African Development Bank study reveals that from 1970 to 1989 study there were 99 coup attempts in Sub-Saharan Africa. Thereafter, there was a decrease of about one third in two decades of which the most important reason is that the international community is hostile and intolerant to coups (see John Frank Clark, ‘The Decline of the African Military Coup’, Journal of Democracy, 18, 3 [2007], 141–155).

  5. 5.

    Jonathan M. Powell and Clayton L. Thyne, ‘Global Instances of Coups from 1950 to 2010: A New Dataset’, Journal of Peace Research, 48, 2 (2011), 249–250.

  6. 6.

    For the development of the concept of auto-coup d’état, self-coup or see Maxwell A. Cameron, ‘Self-Coups: Peru, Guatemala, and Russia’, Journal of Democracy, 9, 1 (1998), 125–139; Philip Mauceri, ‘State Reform, Coalitions, and the Neoliberal Autogolpe in Peru’, Latin American Research Review (1995), 7–37; J. Protzel, ‘Changing Political Cultures and Media Under Globalism in Latin America’, Democratizing Global Media: One World, Many Struggles (2005), 101–120; M. Hutt, ‘King Gyanendra’s Coup and Its Implications for Nepal’s Future’, Brown Journal of World Affairs, 12 (2005), 111; K. Hachhethu, ‘Legitimacy crisis of Nepali monarchy’, Economic and Political Weekly (2007), 1828–1833; K. M. Dixit, ‘Absolute Monarchy to Absolute Democracy’, Economic and Political Weekly (2005), 1506–1510; M. Hutt, ‘Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-exist?’, Asian Survey, 46, 1 (2006), 120–124; Tevita Baleiwaqa, ‘Reflections on the Civilian Coup in Fiji’, Coup: Reflections on the Political Crisis in Fiji (2001), 24–30; Venkat Iyer. ‘Courts and Constitutional Usurpers: Some Lessons from Fiji’, Dalhousie Law Journal, 28 (2005), 27; Maxwell A. Cameron, ‘Latin American Autogolpes: Dangerous Undertows in the Third Wave of Democratisation’, Third World Quarterly, 19, 2 (1998), 219–239; Susan Berger, ‘Guatemala: Coup and Countercoup’, NACLA Report on the Americas, 27, 1 (1993), 4–7; Steven Levitsky, ‘Fujimori and Post-party Politics in Peru’, Journal of Democracy, 10, 3 (1999), 78–92; David Holiday, ‘Guatemala’s Long Road to Peace’, Current History, 96, 607 (1997), 68; Eduardo Ferrero Costa, ‘Peru’s Presidential Coup’, Journal of Democracy, 4, 1 (1993), 28–40. This concept is extremely helpful in this study in describing what King Sobhuza II actually did.

  7. 7.

    Tayyab Mahmud, ‘Jurisprudence of Successful Treason: Coup D’etat & Common Law’, Cornell International Law Journal, 27 (1994), 49.

  8. 8.

    Kuper Hilda, Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1978).

  9. 9.

    Some randomly selected examples of civilian auto-coup d’états include King Letsie III of Lesotho August 17, 1994; President Boris Yeltsin of Russia 1993; President General Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan, November 3, 2007; President Mamadou Tandja Niger, June 29, 2009; President Viktor Yanukovich of Ukraine, September 30, 2010; President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela, March 29, 2017; Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia November 16, 2017, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-coup, retrieved October 19, 2018; Maxwell A. Cameron, ‘Self-Coups: Peru, Guatemala, and Russia’, Journal of Democracy, 9, 1 (1998), 125–139.

  10. 10.

    See Footnote 9.

  11. 11.

    The Kingdom of Nepal is located in South Asia between China in the north and India in the south, east and west. It was founded in 1768 by King Prithvi Narayan Shah, a Gorkhali monarch and it existed for 240 years until the abolition of the Nepalese monarchy in 2008 (see Quy-Toan Do and Lakshmi Iyer, ‘Geography, Poverty and Conflict in Nepal’, Journal of Peace Research, 47, 6 [2010], 735–748).

  12. 12.

    For more on the Nepalese royal auto-coup see Hutt, ‘King Gyanendra’s Coup and Its implications for Nepal’s Future’, 111; Hachhethu, ‘Legitimacy Crisis of Nepali Monarchy’, 1828–1833; Dixit, ‘Absolute Monarchy to Absolute Democracy’, Economic and Political Weekly (2005), 1506–1510; Hutt, ‘Nepal and Bhutan in 2005: Monarchy and Democracy, Can They Co-exist?’, 120–124; B. C. Upreti, Maoists in Nepal: From Insurgency to Political Mainstream (Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2008), 46.

  13. 13.

    Charles Dennison Kenney, Fujimori’s Coup and the Breakdown of Democracy in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004); Maxwell A. Cameron, ‘Self-Coups: Peru, Guatemala, and Russia’, Journal of Democracy, 9, 1 (1998), 125–139.

  14. 14.

    C. Sampford, ‘Making Coups History’, World Politics Review, 22 (2010), 1–10; J. Protzel, ‘Changing Political Cultures and Media Under Globalism in Latin America’, Democratizing Global Media: One World, Many Struggles (2005), 101–120.

  15. 15.

    SNA, His Majesty’s Speech to a large crowd at Lobamba on the Historic Occassion in the afternoon of the April 12, 1973 (SNA).

  16. 16.

    In Swaziland the Sibaya is the traditional gathering of the Swazi people which usually holds at the Ludzidzini Royal Residence cattle byre, the country’s traditional headquarters. The Sibaya is called People’s Parliament which is open to Swazis of all social classes. The people take to the floor to express their opinion on a number of topics freely without censorship and without fear of persecution and a consensus is reached. The King usually uses the occasion to make important announcements and appointments.

  17. 17.

    Kuper Hilda, Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland: The Story of an Hereditary Ruler and His Country (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1978), 335.

  18. 18.

    SNA, His Majesty’s Speech to a large crowd at Lobamba on the Historic Occassion·in the afternoon of the April 12, 1973.

  19. 19.

    Kuper, Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland, 332.

  20. 20.

    Ibid.

  21. 21.

    The types of coups include a military coup, a putch, a palace coup and an auto-coup.

  22. 22.

    Ray Gwebu and Lucky Nhlanhla Bhembhe, Swaziland Court of Appeal Case Nos. 19/20, 2002 as yet (unreported), Zwane, Hlatshwayo and Khumalo.freedom house, etc.

  23. 23.

    See Lucky Nhlanhla Bhembe v The King criminal Case 75/2002 (High Court), per Masuku; Nhlanhla Lucy Mbembe& Ray Gwebu and Another Criminal Case 75 & 11 of 2002 per Sapire CJ (Unreported).; Gwebu & Another.

  24. 24.

    See, for instance, Baloro John, ‘The Development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Responses to Modern Challenges’, Journal of African Law, 38, 1 (1994), 19–34; B. P. Wanda, ‘The Shaping of the Modern Constitution of Swaziland: A Review of Some Social and Historical Factors’, Lesotho Law Journal: A Journal of Law and Development, 6, 1 (1990), 137–178; Levin Richard, ‘Swaziland’s Tinkhundla and the Myth of Swazi Tradition’, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 10, 2 (1991), 1–23; Kuper, SobhuzaII: The Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland; S. H. Zwane, ‘Constitutional Discontinuity and Legitimacy: A Comparative Study with Special Reference to the 1973 Constitutional Crisis in Swaziland’ (Unpublished LLM Dissertation, University of Edinburgh, 1988); B. Khumalo, ‘The Politics of Constitution-Making and Constitutional Pluralism in Swaziland Since 1973’, UNISWA Research Journal, 10 (1996), 1–19.

  25. 25.

    A Freedom House 2013 publication also considered the April 1973 Constitutional repeal a coup. In a Freedom House publication in 2013, the publishers stated that Freedom House is a U.S.-based government-funded non-governmental organization that conducts research and advocacy on democracy, political freedom, and human rights. Freedom House was founded in October 1941, and Wendell Willkie and Eleanor Roosevelt served as its first honorary chairpersons.

  26. 26.

    S. W. Obotetukudo (ed.), The Inaugural Addresses and Ascension Speeches of Nigerian Elected and Non-elected Presidents and Prime Minister, 1960–2010 (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2010), 178–179.

  27. 27.

    SNA, Swaziland Government Gazette Extraordinary, Vol. XII, Mbabane, Tuesday April 7, 1973, No. 578. Proclamation by His Majesty King Sobhuza II.

  28. 28.

    SNA, Proclamation by His Majesty King Sobhuza II April 12, 1973, The Government Printer, Mbabane (Issue 4).

  29. 29.

    SNA, Proclamation by His Majesty King Sobhuza II April 12, 1973, The Government Printer, Mbabane (Issue 4).

  30. 30.

    l’état cést moi is a common expression in constitutional history which captures the notion of royal absolutism. (See T. Shields, ‘L’état C’est Moi?’, Africa Report, 33, 6 [1988], 49; H. H. Rowen, ‘“L’Etat c’est a moi”: Louis XIV and the State’, French Historical Studies, 2, 1 [1961], 83–98).

  31. 31.

    For the concentration of powers in hands of chief executive in Africa, see Ted Robert Gurr, Keith Jaggers, and Will H. Moore. Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800–1986 (Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, 1990); O. Van Cranenburgh, ‘“Big Men” Rule: Presidential Power, Regime Type and Democracy in 30 African Countries’, Democratization, 15, 5 (2008), 952–973.

  32. 32.

    Wanda, ‘The Shaping of the Modern Constitution of Swaziland: A Review of Some Social and Historical Factors’, 137–178.

  33. 33.

    Samuel P. Huntington, ‘Democracy’s Third Wave’, Journal of Democracy, 2, 2 (1991), 12–34; C. Manning, ‘Assessing African Party Systems After the Third Wave’, Party Politics, 11, 6 (2005), 707–727.

  34. 34.

    These advocates, who became active mostly after King Sobhuza II’s demise, were treated as a school of thought because of their common hostility towards the jettisoning of the 1968 independence constitution and the concentration of all powers in the hands of the monarchy. They found it irksome that the King assumed supreme authority at the expense of the constitution, by vesting executive, legislative and judicial powers of the State to himself. They felt that the idea of supremacy of the King was inherently inconsistent with constitutionalism, democracy and good governance and was not conducive to the protection, promotion and enjoyment of fundamental human rights, basic freedoms and civil liberties.

  35. 35.

    CRIM.CASE NO. 20/02, In the matter between: LUCKY NHLANHLA BHEMBE Applicant VS THE KING, Respondent CORAM: SAPIRE. C. J. MASUKUJ. For Applicant: Adv. L. M. Maziya (instructed by Ben J. Simelane & Associates) For Respondent: Mr P. M. Dlamini (Attorney-General) JUDGEMENT 17/09/02.

  36. 36.

    It should be re-emphasised that these critiques were not made at the time King Sobhuza II repealed the constitution but in 2002.

  37. 37.

    CRIM.CASE NO. 20/02, In the matter between: LUCKY NHLANHLA BHEMBE Applicant VS THE KING, Respondent CORAM: SAPIRE. C. J. MASUKUJ. For Applicant: Adv. L. M. Maziya (instructed by Ben J. Simelane & Associates) For Respondent: Mr P. M. Dlamini (Attorney-General) JUDGEMENT 17/09/02.

  38. 38.

    Ibid.

  39. 39.

    M. Swarup, ‘Kelsen’s Theory of Grundnorm’, manupatra.com/roundup/330/Articles/Article%201.pdf (accessed September 3, 2018).

  40. 40.

    M. Swarup, ‘Kelsen’s Theory of Grundnorm’, manupatra.com/roundup/330/Articles/Article%201.pdf (accessed September 3, 2018).

  41. 41.

    SNA, Proclamation by His Majesty King SOBHUZA II April 12, 1973, The Government Printer, Mbabane (Issue 4) (Emphasis mine).

  42. 42.

    M. Swarup, ‘Kelsen’s Theory of Grundnorm’, manupatra.com/roundup/330/Articles/Article%201.pdf (accessed September 3, 2018).

  43. 43.

    These legal experts who did not conceal their unalloyed support for the Swazi monarchy preferred to be anonymous when I granted them interviews on several occasions in 2015 and I was ethical in respecting their wishes.

  44. 44.

    They opted for anonymity.

  45. 45.

    For more on the concept of Swazi royal infallibility, see Angelo Dube and Sibusiso Nhlabatsi, ‘The King Can Do No Wrong: The Impact of the Law Society of Swaziland v Simelane No & Others on Constitutionalism’, African Human Rights Law Journal, 16, 1 (2016), 265–282.

  46. 46.

    Interview with anonymous legal luminary.

  47. 47.

    For more on simple social stratification of traditional African societies, see A. Tuden and L. Plotnicov (ed.), Social Stratification in Africa (New York: Free Press, 1970); R. H. Bates, Modernization, Ethnic Competition, and the Rationality of Politics in Contemporary Africa. State Versus Ethnic Claims: African Policy Dilemmas, 152 (1983), 171.

  48. 48.

    U. O. Umozurike, ‘The Domestic Jurisdiction Clause in the OAU Charter’, African Affairs, 78, 311 (1979), 197; P. D. Williams, ‘From Non-intervention to Non-indifference: The Origins and Development of the African Union’s Security Culture’, African Affairs, 106, 423 (2007), 253–279.

  49. 49.

    For King Sobhuza II anti-communist stance, see P. H. Bischoff, ‘Swaziland: A Small State in International Relations’, Africa Spectrum (1986), 175–188; T. Simpson, ‘“The Bay and the Ocean”: A History of the ANC in Swaziland, 1960–1979’, African Historical Review, 41, 1 (2009), 90–117.

  50. 50.

    R. P. Stevens, ‘Swaziland Political Development’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1, 3 (1963), 327–350; C. P. Potholm, Swaziland: The Dynamics of Political Modernization, vol. 8. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972); Isobel Winter, ‘The Post‐colonial State and the Forces and Relations of Production: Swaziland’, Review of African Political Economy, 4, 9 (1977), 27–43.

  51. 51.

    P. H. Bischoff, Paul-Henri, ‘Swaziland: A Small State in International Relations’, 175–188.

  52. 52.

    Ibid., p. 176.

  53. 53.

    P. Q. Magagula, ‘Swaziland’s Relations with Britain and South Africa Since 1968’ (PhD dissertation, Durham University, Durham, UK, 1988), 100–103.

  54. 54.

    Ibid.

  55. 55.

    J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 90–113; J. S. Crush, ‘The Parameters of Dependence in Southern Africa: A Case Study of Swaziland’, Journal of Southern African Affairs, 4, 1 (1979), 55–66.

  56. 56.

    Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, 90–113.

  57. 57.

    SITE, EISA. ‘Swaziland: Demise of Democracy and the Consolidation of Autocracy (1968–1986)’, Update (2008), https://www.eisa.org.za/wep/swaoverview3.htm (accessed October 15, 2015); Freedom House. ‘Swaziland: A Failed Feudal State’, Freedom House (2013), https://freedomhouse.org/…/Swaziland-%20A%20Failed%20Feudal%20State%2015% (accessed October 15, 2015).

  58. 58.

    Although ANC bases were found in Swaziland, it should be noted that Swaziland was never a member of the frontline states. The Swazi monarchy did not have the military resources to contain ANC activities on its territory. It had to rely on South African intelligence operatives to go after the ANC in Swaziland, especially after signing the 1982 secret pact with South Africa to uproot the ANC from Swazi territory.

  59. 59.

    Reminiscences of King Sobhuza in the course of collecting oral data from both his supporters and detractors between 2014 and 2016 were general positive in terms of how he handled those opposed to him and his overall fatherly figure.

  60. 60.

    See SNA, Proclamation by His Majesty King Sobhuza II April 12, 1973, The Government Printer, Mbabane (Issue 4).

  61. 61.

    See R. H. Jackson, R. H. Jackson, and C. G. Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrant (London: University of California Press, 1982).

  62. 62.

    S. Baynham, ‘Equatorial Guinea: The Terror and the Coup’, The World Today, 36, 2 (1980): 65–71; W. G. Clarence, ‘Equatorial Guinea: An African Tragedy’ (1990), 603–604.

  63. 63.

    Ibid.

  64. 64.

    Ibid.

  65. 65.

    R. J. Rummel, ‘Power, Genocide and Mass Murder’, Journal of Peace Research, 31, 1 (1994), 1–10; R. J. Rummel, ‘Democide in Totalitarian States: Mortacracies and Megamurderers’, In The Widening Circle of Genocide (Routledge, 2018), 3–40.

  66. 66.

    Ibid.

  67. 67.

    J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 106.

  68. 68.

    Department of State, Diplomatic Cables, Full text of “State Dept cable 1973-125658”—archive.org; https://archive.org/stream/State-Dept-cable-1973-125658/StateDept. Publication date 1973 (accessed May 19, 2015).

  69. 69.

    A. R. Booth Swaziland: Tradition and Change in a Southern African Kingdom (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), 75.

  70. 70.

    Declassified/Released US Department of State EO Systematic Review June 30, 2005, https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1973MBABAN01945_b.html (accessed April 2, 2015).

  71. 71.

    Ibid.

  72. 72.

    Ibid.

  73. 73.

    Timothy Velabo Mtetwa was Swaziland’s first Royal Swaziland Police Service (RSP) Commissioner from 1972–1981. He was responsible for policing in the tumultuous years following the 1973 Royal Proclamation (See Sandile Nkambule, ‘First Police Commissioner TV Wants to Service History Book’, Observer, Saturday October 15, 2016).

  74. 74.

    Declassified/Released US Department of State EO Systematic Review June 30, 2005, https://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1973MBABAN01945_b.html (accessed April 2, 2015).

  75. 75.

    ‘Swazi Opposition Leader, a Doctor Arrested Once Again at His Clinic’, The New York Times Archives, February 11, 1978.

  76. 76.

    Life in exile is definitely not easy and Zwane negotiated his way back to Swaziland through the good offices of President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania who got into a deal with the Swazi government which resulted in a royal pardon for Zwane and his return to Swaziland on condition that he agreed ‘to abide by the laws of the country and never made any political party agitation’. He died in Swaziland in 1998.

  77. 77.

    J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and Post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), 106.

  78. 78.

    J. Daniel, ‘The Political Economy of Colonial and post-colonial Swaziland’, South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6–7 (1981), 90–113.

  79. 79.

    Ibid.

  80. 80.

    For more information on governance by decree and order-in-council during state of emergencies, see W. E. Scheuerman, ‘Survey Article: Emergency Powers and the Rule of Law After 9/11’, Journal of Political Philosophy, 14, 1 (2006), 61–84; A. F. Uduigwomen, Schools of Law and Military Decrees (Calabar: Ebenezer Printing Press & Computer Services, 2000); V. T. Le Vine, ‘The Fall and Rise of Constitutionalism in West Africa’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 35, 2 (1997), 181–206; J. H. Pain, ‘The Reception of English and Roman-Dutch Law in Africa with Reference to Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland’, The Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa (1978), 137-–67.

  81. 81.

    Such concerns about the governing of Swaziland were expressed in the media (see ‘New Constitution Coming: Official’, Times of Swaziland, May 4, 1973).

  82. 82.

    Kalley, J. ‘Swaziland Election Dossier 2003’ (2003), 3–4. https://www.eisa.org.za/pdf/ED_Swaziland2003.pdf (accessed 23 October 2014)

  83. 83.

    ‘Constitutional Commission to Be Set Up: Decree Is Temporary’, Times of Swaziland, April 20, 1973.

  84. 84.

    Interview with Prince Majawonke Dlamini. The people of the chiefdom of Mbelebeleni still remember the praises King Sobhuza II had for the US delegation in a speech the king made during his birthday at Mankayane in 1973.

  85. 85.

    ‘New Constitution Coming: Official’, Times of Swaziland, May 4, 1973.

  86. 86.

    J. S. M. Matsebula, A History of Swaziland, 261.

  87. 87.

    ‘Constitution Committee Appointed’, Times of Swaziland, September 21, 1973.

  88. 88.

    ‘Constitution Committee’, Times of Swaziland, September 13, 1974.

  89. 89.

    Public Library of the US Diplomacy, Constitutional Commission Makes Its Report, June 13, 1975, http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/1975MBABAN00987_b.html (accessed June 28, 2015).

  90. 90.

    Ibid.; Matsebula, A History of Swaziland, 265.

  91. 91.

    Ibid.

  92. 92.

    Levin, ‘Swaziland’s Tinkhundla and the Myth of Swazi Tradition’, 1–23.

  93. 93.

    In the Block-voting system voting takes place within carved electoral constituencies in which multiple political parties present candidates. It is a winner takes it all system because political party whose candidates obtain an absolute majority wins all the seats. It is sometimes criticised for advantaging parties that have only a slight electoral advantage and heavily penalising those groups that have substantial minority support (see D. M. Farrell, Electoral Systems: A Comparative Introduction (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).

  94. 94.

    The philosophy of the Tinkhundla system is developed in the Imbokodvo Policy document titled: A handbook to the Kingdom of Swaziland, Swaziland Government Information Services, The Philosophy, Policies and Objectives of the Imbokodvo National Movement; also see Report of the Tinkhundla Review Commission; Government Gazette Extraordinary, No. 855 of 1992. For a more comprehensive study on the Tinkhundla system of government, see, T. Mkhaliphi, ‘The Extent to which the Tinkhundla-Based System of Government Articulates the Decentralization Principles: A Practitioner’s Analysis’, Paper presented at a Research Seminar, University of Swaziland, February 11, 2015; M. A. Mamba, ‘Tinkhundla: A Study of A System’ (MA thesis, University of Swaziland, 2006); A. M. Mkhatshwa, ‘An Assessment of the Tinkhundla System of Government, 1973–2003’ (BA Project, University of Swaziland, 2004); P. H. Bischoff, ‘Why Swaziland Is Different: An Explanation of the Kingdom’s Political Position in Southern Africa’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 26, 3 (1988), 457–471; Baloro, ‘The development of Swaziland’s Constitution: Monarchical Response to Modern Challenges’, 19–34; Wanda, ‘The Shaping of Modern Constitution in Swaziland: A Review of Some Social and Historical Factors’, 137–178.

  95. 95.

    President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania had convincingly argued that traditional Africa was a classless society and this structure did not necessitate Western multiparty democracy. Rather, the one-party consensual system was more appropriate and closer to African culture and tradition (see A. Mohiddin, ‘Ujamaa: A Commentary on President Nyerere’s Vision of Tanzanian Society’, African Affairs [1968], 130–143; K. W. Grundy, ‘The “Class Struggle” in Africa: An Examination of Conflicting Theories’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2, 3 [1964], 379–393.

  96. 96.

    The Tinkhundla system entrenched the absolutism of the Swazi monarchy comparable to absolutism of pre-eighteenth century revolutionary France.

  97. 97.

    H. P. Dlamini, ‘The Tinkhundla Monarchical Democracy: An African System of Good Governance?’ In Olga Bialostocka (ed.), New African Thinkers Agenda 2063: Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development (Cape Town: HSRC PRESS, 2018).

  98. 98.

    SNA, Establishment of Swaziland Parliament Order, King’s Order-in-Council No. 23 of 1978.

  99. 99.

    Tom Lodge, Denis Kadima and David Pottie (eds.), “Swaziland” in: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa (2002), EISA, 328–330

  100. 100.

    SNA, Establishment of Swaziland Parliament Order, King’s Order-in-Council No. 23 of 1978.

  101. 101.

    T. Lodge, D. Kadima, and D. Pottie (eds.), “Swaziland” in: Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa (2002), EISA, 328–330

  102. 102.

    J. S. M. Matsebula, A History of Swaziland (Longman, 1988), 267.

  103. 103.

    A graphic illustrated account of this first Tinkhundla election is provided by Matsebula, A History of Swaziland, 266–270. Except otherwise indicated any allusion to this election it taken from Matsebula.

  104. 104.

    See SNA 1968 Constitution.

  105. 105.

    Establishment of the Parliament of Swaziland Order, King’s Order-in-Council No. 23 of 1978.

  106. 106.

    Democracy under one-party or ‘party-less” rule is a distinct political model that stands out in its own category. In Swaziland, as in other African countries which used to have legally established one-party states, it is not appropriate to think in conventional terms of a government and an opposition to describe the regime as democratic. “Single party” or “party-less” states also claim to be democratic in the sense that they allow free discussions, within fairly broad limits but they proscribe free association outside the single party system. Those who disagree fundamentally with the ruling party or regime are not allowed to form rival political party to promote their own agenda. They must either keep quiet and conform, or seek to advance their cause by resorting to unconstitutional means. A different yardstick is therefore needed to evaluate “democracy” in a one part or “party-less” state from a multiparty regime. (For more on democracy under one party rule see W. Tordoff, ‘Tanzania: Democracy and the One‐Party State’, Government and Opposition, 2, 4 (1967), 599–614; G. Schubert, ‘Democracy Under One-Party Rule? A Fresh Look at Direct Village and Township Elections in the PRC’, China Perspectives, 46 (2003); K. J. O’Brien and L. Li, ‘Accommodating “Democracy” in a One-Party State: Introducing Village Elections in China’, The China Quarterly, 162 (2000): 465–489; B. Magaloni and R. Kricheli, ‘Political Order and One-Party Rule’, Annual Review of Political Science, 13 (2010), 123–143.

  107. 107.

    The 1978 Establishment of the Parliament of Swaziland Order nominally returned legislative powers to the people, declaring that the monarchy could issue no further royal decrees until a new constitution entered into force.

  108. 108.

    King Sobhuza and his successor continued to issue a number of Decrees, which purported to amend the 1973 Proclamation and Decree. These included the King’s Proclamation No. 1 of 1981, King’s Decree No. 1 of 1982; The Tribunal Decree of 1987; Decree No. 1 of 1999; Decrees Nos. 1, 2 and 3 of 2001, which all seek to amend certain portions of the Proclamation.

  109. 109.

    Interview with Prince Majawonke Dlamini at Manzini Extension 6, June 22, 2015.

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    Hlengiwe Portia Dlamini

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Dlamini, H.P. (2019). From King Sobhuza II’s Auto-Coup D’état to the Era of Constitutional Void and Royal Benevolent Despotism. In: A Constitutional History of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Swaziland), 1960–1982. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24777-5_7

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