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From Lion to Tiger: The Changing Buddhist Images of Apex Predators in Trans-Asian Contexts

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Animals and Human Society in Asia

Part of the book series: The Palgrave Macmillan Animal Ethics Series ((PMAES))

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Abstract

This chapter aims to provide an interpretation on the connections among the worlds of nature, society, and religion in trans-Asian contexts with a focus on apex predators. In some Asian religious writings, animals, as living beings in nature, human beings in society, and spiritual beings in religions lived in similar hierarchical orders. Furthermore, the environment and ecosystems shaped the order of animals, and social ideas, institutions, and practices created social order. Human learned knowledge, living experience, and an inspired imaginary formed and shaped religious order. Indeed, these orders interacted with each other. In particular, the apex predators played vital roles in shaping both social and spiritual life in trans-Asian contexts. With the spread of Buddhism from South Asia to East Asia, it seems that the prominent position of the lion in South Asia was challenged and supplemented by the tiger, the apex predator in East Asia. The latter, with its cultural and symbolic central roles in East Asian political, economic, and cultural life, had a tremendous impact on Buddhist culture in East Asia, as indicted by Chinese Buddhist narratives, arts, and rituals. For instance, the ability to tame tigers became a benchmark for becoming a medieval Chinese Buddhist saint.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Lewis (2005, 185–207).

  2. 2.

    For the taxonomy, see Wilson and Reeder (2005, 546–547) and Eizirik et al. (2001, 65–79).

  3. 3.

    Some Siberian tigers might have migrated to Alaska more than 100,000 years ago; see Herrington (1987, 512–560).

  4. 4.

    Carroll and Miquelle (2006, 1056–1068) and Hayward et al. (2002, 1150–1159).

  5. 5.

    Mainka and Mills (1995, 193–200, esp. 194–195) and Coggins (2003).

  6. 6.

    Dinerstein et al. (2007, 508–514) and Seidensticker et al. (1999).

  7. 7.

    Geertz (2000, 121–146) and Wessing (2006, 205–239).

  8. 8.

    Bleakley (2000, 38–40).

  9. 9.

    For the introduction of animals to religious studies, see Peterson (2016, 232–245); for introduction of affect, see Schaefer (2015).

  10. 10.

    Majupuria (1977, 102). For an arthistory perspective, see Zimmer (1972).

  11. 11.

    Upadhyaya (2007, 53–54), Srivastav and Srivastav (1999, 90–93), Acharya (1994, 597–599), and Falk (1973, 1–15).

  12. 12.

    Majupuria (1977, 107).

  13. 13.

    Hokazono (1987, 403–401).

  14. 14.

    This is the name that appeared in Tocharian A vocabulary as śiśäk śanwem,and which is used to describe the 25th mark of the 32 marks in the Tocharian dram Maitreyasamiti-Nāṭaka; see Ji et al. (1998, 83–87); the Sanskrit name can be found in Edgerton (1985, 595); according to Edgerton, this is also the title of the Buddha of the East one that was sometimes used by the Buddha’s disciples; Carling et al. (2009, 13b).

  15. 15.

    T. no. 1, vol. 1: 364a–b.

  16. 16.

    Monier-Williams (1899, 1213).

  17. 17.

    Zhou (1944–1945, 317).

  18. 18.

    T. no. 1421, vol. 22: 18b–c.

  19. 19.

    There are two main discourses on sacrifices in ancient South Asia. One is animal sacrifice, which was practiced by Brahmanism but opposed by Buddhism. The other is the sacrifice of Buddhist saints for the sake of all sentient beings, as often practiced (according to available sources) by the Buddha’s Bodhisattva(s) in his previous lives. For an analysis of the first discourse, see Ohnuma (2017, 65–69).

  20. 20.

    T. no. 202, vol. 4: 438a–c.

  21. 21.

    Härtel (1983, 100–101, 34: Jakata Scenes), Grünwedel (1920, II 57, Figs. 42, 44), Le Coq (1922–1926, IV, 17, pl. 10), and Le Coq and Waldschmidt (1928, 9).

  22. 22.

    T. no. 125, vol. 2: 640a.

  23. 23.

    Lamotte (1988, 649).

  24. 24.

    T. no. 374, vol. 12: 522b–c.

  25. 25.

    For the discussions on the roaring analogy in relation to Buddha and his disciples, see Lévi et Chavannes (1916, 250) and Strong (1979, 68–71).

  26. 26.

    T. no. 2059, vol. 50: 331a.

  27. 27.

    Pulleyblank (1995, 427–428), Adams (1999, 660), and Bailey (1982, 35).

  28. 28.

    Green (2006), Wilson and Reeder (2005, 548), Boomgaard (2001), Eden (1989), and Schaller (1967).

  29. 29.

    However, it should be noted that among the Kondhs, an Indian minority ethnic community in Orissa, tigers are regarded as “the personification of the forest and the power of the goddess that helps shamans in their fight against demons and evil spirits.” See Beggiora (2013, 82–95).

  30. 30.

    Christian missionaries had already noted the significant importance of tiger symbolism in Chinese culture. See Williams (1974, 377).

  31. 31.

    Hammond (1991, 87–88); Werner Eichhorn, “Das Kapitel Tiger im T’ai-P’ing Kuang-Chi,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 104, no. 9 (1954): 140–162.

  32. 32.

    Wei, 7, 60.

  33. 33.

    For an English translation of the Book of Five Sections, see Edgerton (1924), which does not, however, include a translation of this particular tale. The old Uyghur fragments [containing this tale] were found in Xinjiang. See Geissler and Zieme (1970, 32–70) and Ölmez (1993, 179–191).

  34. 34.

    Marshak (1996, 207–217), Marshak (2002, 130), and Marshak and Grenet (2002, 114–163).

  35. 35.

    MacKenzie (1971, 28–89), Sims-Williams (1983, 132–141), and Tremblay (2001, 69–71, 203–206).

  36. 36.

    Idema (2008, 35–37).

  37. 37.

    T. no. 397, vol. 13: 167b–168b.

  38. 38.

    T. no. 1911, vol. 46: 115a–b.

  39. 39.

    T. no. 2060, vol. 50: 610a–b.

  40. 40.

    Quang Tang wen, juan 510

  41. 41.

    T. no. 2061, vol. 50: 740c.

  42. 42.

    See Kieschnick (1997).

  43. 43.

    In contrast, ancient Khotan kings were called “lion kings” (Tibetan: rgyal po seng ’ge, or seng ‘ge rgyal po), a title which can be traced back to the legendary story of a king named Sang gra ma who killed a lion that attacked his soldiers. See Emmerick (1967, 48–49). This legend might have some grounding in actual history, since lions were indeed active in ancient Central Asia. However, it would probably be impossible for a Central Chinese ruler to encounter and kill a lion in the wilderness.

  44. 44.

    See Chen (2012, 1–54) for a detailed study of this.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of South Asian Studies, Peking University, Beijing, China

    Xing Zhang

  2. School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA

    Huaiyu Chen

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Asian Studies, The University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel

    Rotem Kowner

  2. Zinman Institute of Archaeology, The University of Haifa, Haifa, Israel

    Guy Bar-Oz

  3. Institute of Asian and African Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel

    Michal Biran

  4. Department of East Asian Studies, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel

    Meir Shahar

  5. Department of Asian Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel

    Gideon Shelach-Lavi

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Zhang, X., Chen, H. (2019). From Lion to Tiger: The Changing Buddhist Images of Apex Predators in Trans-Asian Contexts. In: Kowner, R., Bar-Oz, G., Biran, M., Shahar, M., Shelach-Lavi, G. (eds) Animals and Human Society in Asia. The Palgrave Macmillan Animal Ethics Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24363-0_11

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