Abstract
This chapter presents the findings of research into the conduct of the company Gazprom. The findings are presented in a condensed fashion, sketching out the behavioural patterns of the Russian gas giant in the South-Eastern European region. By doing this, building on the same methodology, the chapter complements the chapters focused on the oil sector.
This chapter partially builds on and develops books entitled Politicization in the Natural Gas Sector in South-Eastern Europe: Thing of the Past or Vivid Present? (Jirušek, 2017), Challenges and Opportunities of Natural Gas Market Integration in the Danube Region. The South-West and South-East of the Region as Focal Points for Future Development (Jirušek & Vlček, 2017), and Energy Security in Central and Eastern Europe and the Operations of Russian State-Owned Energy Enterprises (Jirušek et al., 2015), all published by Masaryk University Press, and a paper entitled ‘Russia’s Energy Relations in Southeastern Europe: An Analysis of Motives in Bulgaria and Greece’ (Jirušek, Vlček, & Henderson, 2017), published in the Taylor & Francis journal Post-Soviet Affairs (www.tandfonline.com).
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Notes
- 1.
In addition to the states analysed in the rest of the book, the research underlying this chapter included Moldova because of the pronounced role played by the country’s natural gas sector and the degree to which it is intertwined with the supply infrastructure that brings Russian gas to the region.
- 2.
The field research and semi-structured interviews were used also in this research.
- 3.
That is, the condition securing the supplier a stable flow of funding no matter the real amount of gas consumed by the customer.
- 4.
Although admittedly LNG has been changing the environment, making overseas commodity exchange a viable option, the market remains generally regionalized, with the majority of gas supplies still shipped through pipelines.
- 5.
Although LNG has become widely available, since this book is focused on SEE, we will leave it out of the discussion, since it is not an alternative for most countries in the area.
- 6.
Because of its limited scope and frequent association with oil production, the natural gas price has mostly been derived from the oil price (Jirušek et al., 2015, p. 386).
- 7.
Imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) might be an answer to dependency on a single supplier; however, construction of the needed facilities (i.e. liquefaction and regasification facilities) and transport, along with generally missing infrastructure, makes LNG a rather unviable choice for most SEE countries.
- 8.
The frustration could be felt as well at the level of Gazprom’s main shareholder, the Russian government, as demonstrated by Vladimir Putin at the EU-Russia summit in December 2012 (Euractiv.com, 2012).
- 9.
The questioning was based on accusations that Gazprom misused its position with the group of Central and Eastern European states (Jirušek et al., 2015, pp. 384–388).
- 10.
In fact, these measures were used by virtually all major suppliers in Europe, as well as in other markets (e.g. the USA).
- 11.
Although Borisov cannot be labelled an outright anti-Russian, which can be seen from his generally pragmatic attitude and several recent steps aimed at improving relations with Russia, he is basically a pro-European politician. This stance obviously placed some boundaries around his foreign policy stances.
- 12.
This is related to Russia’s general self-portrayal as the protector of Serbs. Although not really grounded in reality, this is also a basis for the current good state of relations with Serbia itself.
- 13.
Serbia also experienced supply cuts attributed to its debt in 2014.
- 14.
Moldova’s will to join the Internal Energy Market was problematized mainly by then Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin.
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Vlček, T., Jirušek, M. (2019). Comparison with Russian Operations in the Sector of Natural Gas: The Case of Gazprom. In: Russian Oil Enterprises in Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19839-8_14
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