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Introduction: Party Proliferation and Its Consequences in Senegal and Beyond

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Party Proliferation and Political Contestation in Africa

Part of the book series: Contemporary African Political Economy ((CONTAPE))

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Abstract

The introduction describes the proliferation of registered political parties in sub-Saharan Africa, a pattern that began with post-Cold War transitions to multiparty politics. In some countries, proliferation persists over 30 years after these transitions, defying theories expecting parties performing poorly in initial elections to disappear or fuse with more successful parties in subsequent contests. Senegal stands out as a “least-likely” case of proliferation, worthy of further analysis, because it shifted to multipartism a decade earlier than many counterparts even though party proliferation is ongoing. After reviewing the concerns that African scholars, pundits, and policymakers have expressed about party proliferation and its consequences for democracy and governance, the introduction outlines each chapter of the book. It summarizes how the book analyzes the sources of party proliferation formation in Senegal, along with three related issues: the paucity of parties that consistently oppose any given incumbent; the tendency for ex-regime insiders instead of regime outsiders to be the president’s foremost electoral competitors; and the linkage between party creation and elite defection from existing parties. The introduction also references the book’s empirically rich data, derived from hundreds of interviews in French and Wolof, as well as archival research, personal papers, locally written biographies, and local newspapers.

The statements and analysis expressed are solely those of the author and have not been approved by the House of Delegates or the Board of Governors of the American Bar Association and do not represent the position or policy of the American Bar Association.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The party registration statistics for these countries were available via government websites, newspapers, or secondary publications devoted to the issue. See AfriMAP 2009; Africa Confidential 2014; Benin Ministry of Interior 2007; CMD 2012; CGD-IGD 2009; Diatta 2018; Diop 2006, 2011; Investir en zone franc n.d.; MATCL 2011; Madagascar Ministry of Interior 2014; Diop 2011 and additional tracking of party registration statistics from the Ministry of Interior; Svasand 2014; Tandé 2009; UNDP 2003.

  2. 2.

    For more on least-likely and most-likely crucial cases, see Gerring 2007 (89).

  3. 3.

    Interview with Moustapha Niasse, 7/21/15, Dakar.

  4. 4.

    Presidents, who had extensive and relatively unchecked control over state resources, could often temper the transition, moving their country toward but not to democracy.

  5. 5.

    Chapters 5 and 7 provide additional analysis of democracy under President Sall.

  6. 6.

    There are multiple viable datasets for measuring democracy, including Polity IV, V-Dem, the Freedom House Freedom in the World index. Freedom House 2013 (with 2012 as year of review) data was used to generate the cursory glance provided here. Ten African countries of the 47 that Bratton & Van de Walle studied were “free.”

  7. 7.

    For instance, Gazibo (2006) expects some degree of divergence, but asserts that analyzing the “…dynamics of alliances, fusion, and often the process of scission that leads to the proliferation of parties and coalitions” is critical for a deeper understanding of party politics in Africa (19).

  8. 8.

    In Senegal, the acceleration in the number of legally registered parties has not been accompanied by a constant upward trend in the effective number of parties. After the adoption of a democratic electoral code in 1992, ENP fluctuated but stayed within the range of 2 and 3 for six elections, and only surpassed the 1–3 zone indicative of a dominant party system in the 2012 presidential race. This provides further evidence that the total number and effective number of parties do not capture the same features of party politics.

  9. 9.

    Measures of electoral volatility are also useful for studying how new entrants and established players in the electoral sphere influence the nature of the party system. However, these measures also focus on the organizations that are already in the electoral arena and are therefore subject to critiques similar to those of ENP.

  10. 10.

    Chapters 2 and 4 cover the president’s strategic interaction with party leaders in greater detail. In a nutshell, presidents seek to fragment and destabilize the opposition in order to ensure their re-election, but presidents in competitive authoritarian regimes are constrained in the amount of repression they can use and often also use positive inducements to incentivize opponents to collaborate. Ideally, the president would permanently co-opt the leaders of the parties that are most electorally threatening, but she is not always successful because those parties often have some resource endowments that help them resist co-optation. Presidents thus tend to target party leaders with a variety of goals, resource endowments, and vote-mobilizing capabilities who react differently to the president’s attempts at co-optation and generate variation in party trajectories.

  11. 11.

    Lucan Way (2005) originally identified these mechanisms in the post-communist context; the book uses them as guiding hypotheses for Senegal.

  12. 12.

    Dahl (1971) provides eight criteria that essentially boil down to free and fair multiparty competition, the protection of civil liberties, and mechanisms for democratic accountability.

  13. 13.

    Wade formally postponed them for flood-related reasons and administrative concerns, but was suspected of postponing for his own political gain.

  14. 14.

    For example, Wade used the DIC to interrogate opposition party leaders like Amath Dansokho and Jean-Paul Dias. In 2005, police also arrested Idrissa Seck’s deputy, Yankhoba Diattara, for organizing anti-Wade rallies during the President’s visit to Thiès, Seck’s hometown and stronghold.

  15. 15.

    In 2006 and 2007 alone, “the DIC beat two journalists who had published speculations about the president’s ‘nighttime whereabouts’; police arrested one journalist who wrote about Senegal’s high cost of living and another who wrote about Wade buying a limousine; and the state shut down a newspaper that published stories about the involvement of Karim Wade, the president’s son, in corruption scandals.” (Kelly 2012: 124).

  16. 16.

    The government also banned Abdou Latif Coulibaly’s Wade, un opposant au pouvoir: L’alternance piégée? (Dakar: Editions Sentinelles, 2003), which detailed the Wade regime’s abuses.

  17. 17.

    Five percent of the population had these citizenship rights before World War II. Although competitive elections were confined to the Four Communes in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century, plural associational life spread to the hinterlands before the advent of mass suffrage (Gellar 2005: 40).

  18. 18.

    At the very least, we would expect the number of parties to plateau if leaders of electorally unsuccessful parties do not deregister them but instead abandon them to join more successful parties in subsequent elections. However, this does not appear to be the case. For instance, of the 46 chronological parties sought, 43 remained politically active in 2011–12.

  19. 19.

    For several politicians who were either deceased or difficult to meet, the author interviewed a close colleague or family member in the party. Several founders were not trackable, but local newspaper reporting provided partial information about them and their parties. No founders were entirely unidentifiable; all were active in Ministry of Interior meetings about the electoral code as late as 2004–2006 or were known by Senegalese journalists or politicians.

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Kelly, C.L. (2020). Introduction: Party Proliferation and Its Consequences in Senegal and Beyond. In: Party Proliferation and Political Contestation in Africa. Contemporary African Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19617-2_1

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