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Manifestations and Interpretations of Violence

Burning Cars and Dealing Drugs Behind Le Mail

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The Making of the Banlieue
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Abstract

This chapter disaggregates the function and meaning of two repertoires of violence: ‘audience-oriented violence’ (car-burning episodes and everyday forms of mischief) and ‘backstage-oriented violence’ (drug-related violence). Each repertoire has its own actors, targets, timing, place, organization and degree of visibility. The chapter shows how the state and the street are involved in similar but opposing projects of governance. Both show their presence through repression and violence: the state in the form of hovering helicopters, police interventions and arrests of potential drug dealers; the young males on the street corner through occupying the streets, (the threat of) violence and the imposition of a code of silence. These two projects of governing feed into each other: the actions of the other are needed to legitimize their own resort to violence.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Diary notes 15 June 2011.

  2. 2.

    See, for example, Schinkel (2010), who distinguishes between a ‘limited’ and an ‘extended’ concept of violence; or De Haan (2008), who speaks of a ‘restrictive’ and an ‘inclusive’ definition of violence.

  3. 3.

    Schinkel (2010, p. 35) argues that Riches’s understanding of contested legitimacy is too restrictive. In fact, the performer may resort to violence precisely because he is aware of its illegitimacy. Furthermore, the witnesses may deem violence legitimate, for example, when he/she is befriended by the performer of violence.

  4. 4.

    Note that this usage of the term is different from Bourdieu’s ‘symbolic violence’.

  5. 5.

    Horowitz builds his theory specifically on the empirical study of ‘deadly ethnic riots’. The violent episodes discussed here do not neatly correspond with his categorization. Although the events in the French suburbs may erupt after a fatal encounter, the car-burnings and clashes themselves seldom have a ‘deadly’ character. Moreover, the events are not primarily ‘ethnic’. The acts are generally not rooted in tensions between two or more ethnic groups. Youngsters do not resort to violence for the proliferation or defence of their ethnic identity. And finally, as stated above, there is debate about whether one should classify the car-burnings and clashes as ‘riots’. Nonetheless, I think that the rhythm that Horowitz describes is broadly applicable and fruitful for understanding the timing and duration of the car-burning episodes and police-youth clashes.

  6. 6.

    For a more detailed description of the events in Villiers-le-Bel, see Moran (2012) or Kokoreff (2010).

  7. 7.

    Law number 2010-1192—Loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dans l’espace public (Act prohibiting concealment of the face in public space) passed by the French senate in September 2010. Since April 2011, it is forbidden to wear face-covering veils and masks. Often legitimized by referring to the Republican ideal of laïcité (the strict separation of church and state).

  8. 8.

    See, e.g., newspaper article ‘Trappes: «A aucun moment je n’ai porté atteinte à un des policiers».’ Le Monde, 24 July 2013.

  9. 9.

    A lull is defined by Horowitz as an ‘expectant interval between the last precipitant and the onset of serious violence’ (2001, p. 89).

  10. 10.

    Diary notes 13 July 2010.

  11. 11.

    Diary notes 30 June/1 July 2011.

  12. 12.

    My translation. Original quote: «Dans la nuit du 8 au 9 mai 2011, des feux de poubelles ont endommagé la nouvelle école Joséphine-Baker. En s’en prenant à un groupe scolaire tout neuf, les incendiaires montrent leur mépris pour les familles, les enfants, les enseignants, le personnel communal. Ils s’en prennent également à la volonté partagée de la municipalité, des habitants, de la communauté scolaire de donner le meilleur aux enfants pour leur scolarité. Cet acte est inexcusable…».

  13. 13.

    Interview Fouad, 13 May 2011.

  14. 14.

    Interview Alice, 25 July 2011.

  15. 15.

    A public bicycle sharing system, introduced in 2007 in the city centre of Paris and later extended to several banlieues. In 2009, Vélib’-stations were installed at several locations in La Courneuve. Beginning in May 2011, the service was suspended due the high number of stolen or damaged bicycles. In 2012, the project completely ended. See also local newspaper Régards (30 August 2012/12 September 2012—number 364) ‘Bye-Bye, Velcom’.

  16. 16.

    According to the stories of youngsters, both hard and soft drugs are sold.

  17. 17.

    Interview Salah, 20 July 2011.

  18. 18.

    Interview Marc and Claire, 27 July 2011.

  19. 19.

    Interview Salah, 18 July 2011.

  20. 20.

    Diary notes 2 June 2011.

  21. 21.

    Interview Marie, 3 June 2010.

  22. 22.

    See for a similar observation De Jong (2007, p. 86), who speaks about the double meaning of ‘respect’ among youngsters at the street corner.

  23. 23.

    Wesh’ comes from the Arab ‘wesh rak’ which means ‘how are you?’ ‘Wesh’ is often used by youngsters in the ‘cité’ to greet each other.

  24. 24.

    Interview Marc and Claire, 27 July 2011.

  25. 25.

    Interview Malik, 18 July 2011.

  26. 26.

    Interview Oumar, 30 June 2011.

  27. 27.

    Interview Michel, 2 August 2011.

  28. 28.

    Interview Yannick, 28 July 2011.

  29. 29.

    See also De Jong (2007, pp. 160–162), who identifies seven street values in an Amsterdam neighbourhood. Vigilance and being constantly on one’s guard (‘scherp zijn’) is one of them.

  30. 30.

    Actually, the shooting was in May 2009, two years before the time of the interview.

  31. 31.

    Diary notes 27 July 2011.

  32. 32.

    Diary notes 2 June 2011.

  33. 33.

    Interview Yannick, 28 July 2011.

  34. 34.

    Interview Salah, 20 July 2011.

  35. 35.

    Interview Marie, 3 June 2010. Due to ethical and privacy reasons, all names of respondents have been changed in this book.

  36. 36.

    Interview Idriss, 2 August 2011.

  37. 37.

    Interview Yannick, 28 July 2011.

  38. 38.

    Interview Malik/Diary notes 18 July 2011.

  39. 39.

    DSK stands for Dominique Strauss Kahn, former managing director of the International Monetary Fund. Idriss refers here to the fact that he was arrested in May 2011 in New York over allegations of sexual assault.

  40. 40.

    Idriss refers to the ‘quota polémique’ that received a lot of media attention in April 2011. National coach Laurent Blanc was accused of using racial quotas as a selection criterion for the national team. Blanc claimed that he was misquoted and denied being racist.

  41. 41.

    Interview Idriss, 2 August 2011.

  42. 42.

    Diary notes 8 July 2010.

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Slooter, L. (2019). Manifestations and Interpretations of Violence. In: The Making of the Banlieue. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18210-6_6

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