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The Making of the Suburban Crisis by State Actors

A Journey Through the Decades Seen from Paris City Centre

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The Making of the Banlieue
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Abstract

By drawing on a Foucauldian governmentality approach, this chapter studies the ‘outside’ construction of difference from the 1950s till today. My analysis of the past decades shows how the banlieues become increasingly defined and diagnosed by the French state as ‘problematic places’ inhabited by criminalized or victimized youngsters: the banlieusards. I argue that the development of the suburban crisis has gone through four major stages, each new phase beginning with what I call an iconic violent event. I show how the state’s spatial diagnosis of these iconic violent events and the subsequent policy measures have included and excluded and have contributed to the drawing of spatial and social boundaries between ‘here’ and ‘there’ and between ‘us’ and ‘them’.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    One of the signs of that optimism and hope was the 1983 March for Equality and Against Racism (‘Marche pour l’égalité et contre le racisme’), also known as ‘La marche des beurs’. A walk from Marseille to Paris that started off with a small group of people and ended fifty days later in Paris with about 100,000 participants. The walk was organized (partly) as a reaction to a number of racist murders (see Chapter 3 for the example of Toufik Ouanes who was killed in July 1983), and incidents of police discrimination, and took place in a political context in which the right-wing party Front National celebrated its first victory in the municipal elections of 1983. The success of the March demonstrated that people living in the suburban neighbourhoods were still able to organize themselves in order to claim equal treatment and to fight against racism (ibid., p. 21; see also, e.g., Dubet & Lapeyronnie, 1992; Jazouli, 1992). A year later, in 1984, the influential SOS-racisme, an anti-discrimination organization, was established.

  2. 2.

    Whether the label ‘ghetto’ is appropriate here is heavily discussed among sociologists. I will elaborate on the ‘ghetto-debate’ in Chapter 4. The five central symptoms of the present-day suburban neighbourhoods are, according to Kokoreff and Lapeyronnie, ‘isolation of the population; increased internal violent conflict, and in some areas the presence of large-scale drug trafficking; the broken communication between men and women; the establishment of religion that structures daily life; and the distance and hostility towards institutions’ (2013, p. 29).

  3. 3.

    By ‘communitarian’ groupings, ethnic or religious group formation is implied.

  4. 4.

    Congrès International d’Architecture Moderne . Movement of Modern Architects, between 1928 and 1959, with architect Le Corbusier as one of its figureheads.

  5. 5.

    See l’Institut national de l’audiovisuel (INA): http://www.ina.fr/video/CAF89007746.

  6. 6.

    My Translation. Original quote: «Les grands ensembles sont-ils un mal nécessaire ou un nouvel aspect de plaisir de vivre ? Ce sera, si vous le voulez bien, à ces enfants de répondre dans quelques années».

  7. 7.

    HLM stands for Habitation à Loyer Modéré, which are rent-controlled social housing units. The grands ensembles are mainly composed of these HLMs.

  8. 8.

    Translation: Underground/job/beddy-byes.

  9. 9.

    « Grands ensembles , ennui des femmes».

  10. 10.

    «Psychiatres et sociologues dénoncent la folie des grandes ensembles».

  11. 11.

    «Madame Bovary dans les H.L.M».

  12. 12.

    Journal Officiel de La République Française, 5 avril 1973, page 3864. Circulaire du 21 mars 1973. Relative aux formes d’urbanisation dites « grands ensembles » et à la lutte contre la ségrégation social par l’habitat.

  13. 13.

    Later renamed as Opération Prévention Été (Operation Summer Prevention) and Opérations Ville Vie Vacances (Opertation City, Life, Holidays) and covers now 94 departments.

  14. 14.

    The Dubedout Report in 1983 «Ensemble, refaire la ville»; the Schwartz Report in 1981 «L’Insertion professionnelle et sociale des jeunes»; and the Bonnemaison Report in 1982 «Face à la délinquance, prévention, répression, solidarité». See Dikeç (2007, pp. 48–56) for a more extensive discussion on these founding reports on urban policy in France.

  15. 15.

    News report, 20h00-8 October 1990. See l’Institut national de l’audiovisuel: http://www.ina.fr/video/CAB90038648/temoignage-motard-vaulx-en-velin-video.html.

  16. 16.

    Rally for the Republic, conservative political party founded by Jacques Chirac. Merged in 2002 in the centre right party UMP. In May 2015, the UMP was renamed ‘Les Républicains’ (The Republicans).

  17. 17.

    News Report, Antenne 2, 20h00-10 June 1991. My translation: «Il est faux de dire qu’il n’y a pas de rapport entre l’immigration et l’insécurité. C’est bien parce qu’il y a trop d’immigrés. Ils n’ont pas d’emplois. Il y a d’insécurité et des drames dans les banlieues. Il est faux de dire qu’il y a une séparation entre le mal des banlieues et les actes criminelles. C’est le mal des banlieues qui fabrique la petite criminalité. Et la petite criminalité génère toujours la grande criminalité. C’était là, ce qu’il s’est passé à Mantes».

  18. 18.

    In 1989, three girls were suspended from a high school in Creil for wearing an Islamic headscarf. The head of school saw the headscarf as a religious expression incompatible with the laïc (secular) character of a French educational institution. A couple of weeks later, after having reached a compromise, the girls returned to school, but a fierce media and political debate was born.

  19. 19.

    Report: «La violence des jeunes dans les banlieues» (25 June 1992). Julien Dray was Socialist Party Deputee of Esonne at the time.

  20. 20.

    See the website of the ministry: http://www.ville.gouv.fr.

  21. 21.

    See, for statistics, the reports of Observatoire national des zones urbaines sensibles (ONZUS). ONZUS was created in 2003 to measure the developments of the urban policy neighbourhoods. It was replaced by L’Observatoire National de la Politique de la Ville in 2014.

  22. 22.

    The ZRUs are those areas of the ZUS that are confronted with particular economic difficulties. The criteria for a ZRU are the number of inhabitants, the unemployment rates, the number of youngsters under 25 years old, the number of people that have left the education system without diploma and the fiscal potential of the community. The ZFUs are based on the same criteria as the ZRUs, the only difference is that they are larger. ZFUs concern areas with more than 10,000 inhabitants. Initially, France counted 416 ZRUs and 44 ZFUs. Later, their numbers increased to 435 ZRUs and 100 ZFUs.

  23. 23.

    The report was published by the Haut Conseil à l’intégration. The French title is: «Lutte contre le discriminations: faire respecter le principe de l’égalité ».

  24. 24.

    HALDE stands for Haute autorité de lutte contre les discriminations et pour l’égalité. The tasks of HALDE were transferred to the Défenseur des droits in 2011.

  25. 25.

    The reversion of words, verlan , is part of the evolvement of specific cité slang.

  26. 26.

    News Report France 2, 20h00, 28 October 2005. See l’Institut national de l’audiovisuel: http://www.ina.fr/video/2954558001/20-heures-le-journal-emission-du-28-octobre-2005-video.html.

  27. 27.

    See, e.g., l’Institut national de l’audiovisuel. News Report ‘19/20 Edition National’, France 3, 31 October 2005: http://www.ina.fr/video/2954175001007/tensions-entre-les-habitants-de-clichy-sous-bois-et-les-forces-de-l-ordre-video.html.

  28. 28.

    Original quote: «C’est une grenade lacrymogène en dotation dans les services de police. La police scientifique a établi qu’elle n’avait pas explosé dans la mosquée, mais à l’extérieur. Nous ne savons pas si elle a été prise par quelqu’un ou si elle a roulé elle-même. Il n’y a rien qui a été fait pour blasphémer un lieu de culte. Il faut que chacun retrouve son calme».

  29. 29.

    Donald Horowitz, in his extensive work on riots, remarks in this regard: ‘A threshold must be reached for violence to occur, and a small increment of precipitant at a critical moment may prove decisive, particularly if it confirms malevolent intentions’ (2001, p. 92).

  30. 30.

    For a more detailed description of the affected towns, see Lagrange (2006, pp. 38–39).

  31. 31.

    This measure was especially sensitive as it was based on a 1955 law, implemented during the Algerian war.

  32. 32.

    See for other reconstructions, for example, Roché (2006, pp. 13–30), Lagrange (2006), and Body-Gendrot (2007).

  33. 33.

    My own translation. «L’émeute est le produit de la marginalité politique, du déficit de représentation, du mauvais fonctionnement de la démocratie».

  34. 34.

    Report of Cour de Compte (July 2012) «La Politique de la ville . Une décennie de réformes»; Rapport 2013 Observatoire National des Zones Urbaines Sensibles (December 2013).

  35. 35.

    Neighbourhood 4000 is classified in 2011 as «Categorie A: Les ZUS les plus en difficulté». See website Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques: http://www.insee.fr/fr/insee_regions/idf/themes/alapage/alap356/alap356.pdf.

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Slooter, L. (2019). The Making of the Suburban Crisis by State Actors. In: The Making of the Banlieue. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18210-6_2

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