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Catalan Identities: Language, Power and Political Pactism from a Historical Perspective

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The Rise of Catalan Identity

Abstract

In this chapter, we distinguish between three kinds of pactism—early, late and political pactism—to frame the construction of institutional identities in the Catalan culture from the Middle Ages to the 20th century. How is the lack of political power that has characterised contemporary Catalonia related to the engagement with the language which characterises much of Catalan literature from the 20th century? This chapter links the answer to this question to the morphology of political pactism, the building of Spanish modern nation-state , and the ‘reverse nationalism’ adopted by many writers and political thinkers at the decline of Novecentism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This qualification can be controversial and certainly debatable, but see Vilanova (2018), leaning on the classical study by the Polish legal scholar Lemkin (1949): “a composite of different acts of persecution or destruction” against social and political institutions, language , and national conscience. Historians have used the expreassion ‘cultural genocide ’ meaning the attempt to make Catalan language and culture disappear, i.e., the main elements of its differential identity, as a result of its integration into a unique Spanish culture and language.

  2. 2.

    Cfr. Casanovas and Casanovas (2009). The juicios sumarísimos de urgencia (extremely urgent trials) were performed without the presence of the accused, carried out by the Francoist repression apparatus in each conquered town and city in 1939. The court-martials were regulated by Decree No. 79, dated October 4, 1936. The ‘extremely urgent trials’, by Decree 55 of November 1, 1936 (BOE of November 5). On July 5, 1938, Franco restored the death penalty, as it corresponds to “the seriousness of a strong and avenging State”. On February 9, 1939, the Ley de responsabilidades políticas was enacted, according to which any event committed since the first of October 1934 could be considered justiciable.

  3. 3.

    Ley 52/2007, de 26 de diciembre, por la que se reconocen y amplían derechos y se establecen medidas en favor de quienes padecieron persecución o violencia durante la guerra civil y la dictadura (BOE, 27 de desembre).

  4. 4.

    Sentencia 31/2010, de 28 de junio de 2010. Recurso de inconstitucionalidad 80452006. Interpuesto por noventa y nueve Diputados del Grupo Parlamentario Popular del Congreso en relación con diversos preceptos de la Ley Orgánica 6/2006, de 19 de julio, de reforma del Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña, pp. 273 and 394.

  5. 5.

    Cfr. Burg (2015: 307–308): “The increasing proportions of survey respondents declaring exclusively Catalan identity , the centrality of Catalan identity to preferences for independence, and the powerful effects of both identity and preferences on voting behavior suggest that efforts by the Spanish government to address Catalan discontent over recognition and status will be crucial to mitigation of demands for independence.”

  6. 6.

    The trial before the Spanish Superior Court started on February, 12th 2019 (Causa especial 20907/2017). There is no verdict yet at the moment of closing the present book. The penalties requested by the Prosecutor General’s Office are vey high, adding to a total of 177 years in prison. The Office and the State attorneys have requested the appearance of 256 wittnesses, 85% of which are policemen.

  7. 7.

    Some historians have linked identity and self-consciousness in the Catalan case: “By identity I mean nothing more than the features and traces of collective consciousness (or self-consciousness) and of the interests of groups that are the basis of political or national solidarity” (Bisson 1986: 446).

  8. 8.

    For a general and quite useful overview of the contributions of the most recent Catalan historiography, cf. Serra i Puig (2014). Eva Serra highlights the distance that separates the new data contributed by the historiography, from the reading that authors such as J. Vicens Vives and J.H. Elliott made of Catalan social and political history in the 16th and 17th centuries. See also, Jané Checa (2006).

  9. 9.

    Cfr. the statement by Capdeferro i Pla (2009: 127): “(…) we are contributing to feed the thesis that Catalonia in the first decades of the 17th century consolidated an attractive republican alternative to the decisionist hunts of the monarchy of Austria.”

  10. 10.

    Cfr. de Maspons i Anglasell (1932), Elías de Tejada (19631965), Ferro (1987) (2009a, b). These legal historians specialised in Catalan public law had a very different background and political ideas, but they all highlight the consistency and unity of Catalan ancient law. Elías notes that “where the idea of the unity of the Catalan people reaches its maximum expressiveness is in the testimony of the language, feature that allows to differentiate the vassals of the House of Aragon in any of the domains of the three dynasties that compose it.” T. II (1963: 43)

  11. 11.

    ‘Regiment de la cosa pública’, the regulation of res publica, was, according to Eiximenis, la comunitat de gents ajustades e vivents sots una mateixa ley e senyoria, e costumes [the community of people adjusted and living under the same law and lordship, and customs].

  12. 12.

    Senyor, vós debets pensar que aquest regne vós no·l posseïts axí com possehits a la vostra vestidura, que podets dar e vendre e esquinçar a vostra volentat, car les comunitats, quant elegiren rey e senyories no les elegiren per tal que l’hom elegit per senyor los pogués tractar axí com a cans, ne u pogués fer axí com de catius, car ne l’hom elet a senyor açò no·ls merexia, ne ells no deuen ésser traydors a la comunitat, que la faessen cativa d’un hom qui podia ésser mal e en poguera fer a sa guisa, axí com de cosa planament sua”, F. Eiximenis, Dotzè Llibre del Crestià, cap. 670, cit. Baidal (2011: 791).

  13. 13.

    Cfr. Eiximenis, Regiment de la Cosa Pública, Cap. XIV, Sobre la lleialtat [On Loyalty], València: Llambert, 1484.

  14. 14.

    Cfr. About the Retaule del Consolat de Mar de Perpinyà, Molina i Figueres (1997).

  15. 15.

    About the symbolic aspects, see Ruiz Quesada (2007); on the introduction of the technique to the oil and the material study of the colors used, see Salvadó et al. (2008).

  16. 16.

    They are related to the feudal law, the old Ius Maletractandi, a right approved by the Courts of Cervera in 1202 that empowered the lords to mistreat, imprison and dispose of the farmers and their property.

  17. 17.

    Bisson works on feudalism shows how violence is held customary, i.e. legitimate: “In 1202 the barons of Old Catalonia would claim and secure at the king’s expense right to ‘maltreat [male tractaverunt] their peasants or take away from them’ in their own domains” (ibid. 1994: 33).

  18. 18.

    Again, historians so politically different from each other, such as Nicolau d’Olwer, Ferran Valls i Taberner, Elías de Tejada, Miquel Batllori, Ferran Soldevila, Jaume Vicens Vives, Pierre Vilar, Josep Fontana, Santiago Sobrequés, Michel Zimmermann, Víctor Ferro, Tomàs de Montagut agreed that these institutional features built a differentiated identity from early Middle Ages onward. Bisson (1986: 455) put it in a sharp way: Catalonia “belongs to those countries for which the concept of nation preceded that of State. There is no doubt that the Catalan nation existed before the 12th century” (Bisson 1986: 455). About the early use of Catalan language see Zimmerman (2003).

  19. 19.

    Cfr. de Montagut i Estragués (2006) for the recent facsimile edition of the Llibre dels quatre senyals, del General de Cathalunya. Contenint diversos Capítols de Cort, ordinations, declarations, privilegis, y cartas Reals fahents per lo dit General. Manat estampar essent Deputats del dit General los molt Illustres Senyors don Garci Gil Manrrique olim de Gerona, y despres Bisbe de Barcelona, D. Phelip de Sorribes y Sarrovira, y Antoni Axada ciutada honrat de Gerona. Y Oydors de comptes Onofre Ciurana y de Bellafilla Canonge de la Seu de Gerona, don Ramon Sabater, y lo Doctor Ioseph Maso ciutada honrat de Barcelona (Impremta de Joan Margarit, barcelona, 1634).

  20. 20.

    The LVS had been lost for more than 400 years. It has been recently found by Pere Ripoll at ACA (Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó) and it shows that “at the beginning of the 15th century the jurisdictional foundations of the institution were deemed to start in 1359, without forgetting the 1289 and 1291 antecedents, furnishing evidence that the most representative moment of the jurisdictional and administrative deployment of the institution occured during the period of consolidation: the Courts of 1376.” (Ripoll 2018: 170).

  21. 21.

    The studies by Amelang (1984, 1986) on this aspect still hold. Amelang calculated that at the end of the 16th century (1590) Barcelona had an index of about 7.5/1000 lawyers for a population of 37,000, and that almost half of honorable citizens were licensed in law. These data are increased during the 17th century, between 1635 and 1675.

  22. 22.

    The introduction of the Royal Court encouraged litigation, and in times of economic and political uncertainty, the lawyer’s career was a good investment to promote and gain status on the social ladder. The profession of lawyer allowed not only to protect family and relatives, but to access liquid money, which some—as illustrated by the biography and professional practice of Joan Pere Fontanella (Capdeferro i Pla 2009, 2010)—pursued with some greed.

  23. 23.

    See the case in 1624 of the painter Guerau Vilagran against Miquel Carreras, a judge of the Royal Court (Audiència Reial), as explained by Corteguera (1998).

  24. 24.

    [Gaspart Sala Berart], Los Conselleres y Consejo de Ciento de la Ciudad de Barcelona, Proclamación Católica a la magestad piadosa de Felipe el Grande, Rey de las Españas y Señor de las Indias, nuestro Señor (1640). Establecimiento, pacto, juramento y obligación en observancia de las Constituciones y Privilegios de Cataluña (1640, XXIV: 207).

  25. 25.

    See about the editions of this publication, Gascón García (2015); see about the conception of the lex regia in two dimensions—constitution of political reality and continuous need to keep the pact alive—Arrieta Alberdi (2008: 132).

  26. 26.

    “[…] y tocándome el dominio absoluto de los referido reinos de Aragón y Valencia, pues a la circunstancia de ser comprendidos en los demás, que tan legítimamente poseo en esta monarquía, se añade ahora la del justo derecho de la conquista que de ellos han hecho últimamente mis armas con el motivo de su rebelión; y considerando también que uno de los principales atributos de la soberanía es la imposición, y derogación de las leyes, las cuales, con la variedad de los tiempos y mudanzas de costumbres podría yo alterar, aún sin los grandes y fundados motivos y circunstancias que hoy concurren para ello en lo tocante a los de Aragón y Valencia: He juzgado por conveniente, así por esto, como por mi deseo de reducir todos mis Reinos de España a la uniformidad de unas mismas leyes, usos, costumbres y tribunales, gobernándose igualmente todos por las leyes de Castilla […]”. Decreto de Nueva Planta, 29 de Junio del 1707.

  27. 27.

    “The sixteenth century historiography, rather, the one of the second half of the century, responded to an intellectual program quite reasonable: to find out the peculiarities of the Catalan economic development, looking for the past elements of comparison or understanding that made it more intelligible” (Fradera 1990: 54).

  28. 28.

    The University of Cervera lasted from 1717 to 1835. It was founded by Plillipe V to compensate the city of Cervera (Lleida) for its supportive stance durig the War of Spanish Succession. The king sought also to penalise the rest of the country for its support to the Habsburg dinasty. The six existing Catalan universities were suppressed. The University of Barcelona resumed its activities only in 1837, under Isabella II, when the studies were transferred from Cervera. However, in spite of its isolation and origins, this university was able to produce quite interesting works and some professors tried to connect with the Elightenment.

  29. 29.

    Política para Corregidores y Señores de vasallos, en tiempos de paz y de guerra; y para juezes eclesiásticos y seglares, y de sacas, aduanas y de residencias; y sus oficiales; y para regidores y abogados, y del valor de los Corregimientos y Goviernos, realengo y de las Órdenes (1597). The book had many reprints in the 17th and 18th centuries (1608, 1616, 1624, 1649) i XVIII (1704, 1750, 1759, 1775).

  30. 30.

    Cfr. Lopez (2007: 710) on the generation of the Spanish Parnassus with Charles III: “It is obvious, on the other hand, that the number of talents devoted to literature, exercising to maintain some office or office in the judiciary, administration or teaching, has come in remarkable increase, which it contrasts with the scarcity of authors from the previous era.”

  31. 31.

    Cfr. Amor López (2015: 377 ff.) specifies that Catalan and Castilian coexisted during the eighteenth century in private correspondence, until the end of the century, with predominance of this latter language.

  32. 32.

    Coleccion de memorias, y noticias del gobierno general, y politico del .Consejo: lo que observa en el despacho, que le competen: los que corresponden a cada una de sus Salas: Regalías, Preeminencias, y Autoridad de este Supremo Tribunal, y las pertenecientes a la Sala de Señores Alcaldes de Casa y Corte, escrita por don Antonio Martinez Salazar, Secretario de su Magestad, su Contador de Resultas, Escribano de la Cámara del mismo Real, y Supremo Consejo de Castilla. Madrid, 1764.

  33. 33.

    Instituciones del derecho público general de España, con noticia del particular de Cataluña y de las principales reglas de gobierno en cualquier estado. Madrid: en la oficina de don Benito García y compañía, 1800–1803. The Cervera professor writes: “[…] our authors Fontanella, Cáncer, Cortiada, Calderó, Amigánt, Peguera, Oliva, whose authority, more than the general one that deserves its author as a private individual, is greater in terms of the practice of such cases” (Llàtzer de Dou i de Bassols, 1800: LVI).

  34. 34.

    On Balmesian economic liberalism and the contrast with his conservative and monarchic positions (‘Vilumists’), cfr. Fradera (1996). I have had occasion to analyse the thought of Balmes and its expressive form in Casanovas (2011, 2016, 2018).

  35. 35.

    Without Balmes, it is not possible to understand the Catalan Catholic ideology, from the regionalism of Bishop Josep Torras i Bages (1846–1916) to the integrism of Fèlix Salvà i Sardany (1844–1916), the liturgism of Lluís Carreras i Mas (1884–1955), through the opening of Cardinal Vidal i Barraquer (1868–1943) and the most critical vision—before and after the Civil War—by Carles Cardó (1884–1948) and the editor of the complete works of Balmes, Ignasi Casanovas (1872–1936).

  36. 36.

    “Rather, it is now a widespread patrimony that the idea of the national state has operated by engraving in the history and lives of millions of men for a certain period of time, and consequently led to organize an apparatus of reflections and investigations, but it remained far from fully representing the whole of European reality. […]. Catalan vs Spanish, or French, or German, understood as opposing categories, or meaningful individuations, have exhausted their capacity for taking and inspiring: they are concepts that no longer work, because it seems increasingly evident that the categories of French, German or Spanish on which the Catalan difference was modelled are oblique and inadequate, because they explain by exclusion, when instead they should make the effort of encompassing” (Grilli 2008: 262–63).

  37. 37.

    Dante Alighieri considered Boniface as responsible for the defeat of the Bianchi in Florence and his personal misfortune. He wrote his treatise De Monarchia (1312–1313) to dispute his claims of papal supremacy and placed him among the simoniacs in the Eighth Circle of Hell in the Divine Comedy.

  38. 38.

    Civil law —the Compilation that will only materialize very late, in 1960—has been the subject of great attention with reference to the models it contains. It has been considered one of the successful cases of legal construction of sub-state nationalism, based on conservative legal and political premises of attorneys (Harty 2001, 2002). Harty explains the transformation of sub-state positions into national ones focusing on the process of institutionalisation. Jacobson (2002: 346, 2004) also directly links the process of nationalisation to it, and Ledford (2002) points out that the Catalan “anomaly”—in which economic liberalism is not accompanied by legal liberalism but by agrarian traditionalism—casts doubts on the Canonical explanation based on the normative (continental) and judicial (British) models of law.

  39. 39.

    The work of economic historians about culture and the price of books in industrial cities is clear in this regard. Cfr. Deu i Baigual (1987, 2018), Nadal et al. (2003). I have applied their calculations to the commercial failure that represented the edition of Carnets d’un Heterodox in 1926 by the socialist and political philosopher Cristòfor de Domènec [Brand] (Casanovas 2014, 2019).

  40. 40.

    We should recall at this point the 24 volumes of the History of the institutions that Alexandre Galí (1886–1969) wrote as an exercise of cultural survival, rather than just of memory, funded by the Patronat Minerva by Fèlix Millet and Pere Puig Quintana between 1946 and 1950 (Galí, 19781986).

  41. 41.

    Cfr. Casanovas (2001, 2006, 2008a, 2008b, 2009, 2014), and Casanovas and Monserrat (2009).

  42. 42.

    The doctrine of Karl Christian Friedrich Krause (1781–1832)—called panenteism—is a variant of German philosophical idealism. Julián Sanz del Río (1814–1869), Francisco Giner de los Ríos (1839–1915) and the ILE embraced his ethical stance as the foundation of liberal state.

  43. 43.

    Cf. E. Prat de la Riba wrote La nacionalitat catalana (1907). He was President of the Diputació de Barcelona (1907–1914) and the Mancomunitat de Catalunya (Catalan Commonwealth) (1914-1917).

  44. 44.

    J. Puig i Cadafalch was an important Modernist architect. He was elected President of the Moncomunitat (1917–1924), and during the difficult early Francoist time he chaired the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC) (1947–1956).

  45. 45.

    Writer and founder of the nationalist party Acció Catalana (1922).

  46. 46.

    Writer, philosopher and politician. He was jailed in his youth because of his Republican and Anarchist ideals. He chaired l’Ateneu Barcelonès (1928–1930), became a member of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, and wrote several books, e.g. Les presons imaginàries (1899), La vida austera (1908), and Elogi de la civilització catalana (1921).

  47. 47.

    I am thinking of the influential La tradició catalana (1892), by the bishop Josep Torras i Bages.

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Acknowledgements

This chapter is part of the research projects (i) IEC—Models of law and Catalan political philosophy: the semantics of legal and political pactism doctrines in their different stages. IEC-PRO2018-S05, and (ii) Meta-rule of law, DER2016-78108-P, (iii) (DC25008, Compliance by Design (CbD) and Compliance through Design (CtD), Data to Decisions CRC Program (La Trobe, Melbourne).

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Casanovas, P. (2019). Catalan Identities: Language, Power and Political Pactism from a Historical Perspective. In: Casanovas, P., Corretger, M., Salvador, V. (eds) The Rise of Catalan Identity. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18144-4_2

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