Abstract
This chapter discusses the characteristics and the evolution of French foreign policy and reviews France’s longstanding foreign and security policy-making in Africa since the end of the Empire. Continuous French interventions and the re-emergence of seemingly old patterns of behavior suggest that a linear reading of history may not be the most suited approach to understand present French policies in Africa. The chapter’s last part focuses on the multilateralization of French military interventionism and by so doing establishes the context within which Operation Serval in Mali and Operation Sangaris in the Central African Republic are embedded.
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Notes
- 1.
For an exception, see Notin (2014) who proposes a process-orientated analysis of Operation Serval. The author provides a detailed account of the different stages of the decision-making process. However, Notin exclusively focuses on a reconstruction of the process and is less interested in identifying the ideational variables that explain French policy-making. See also Henke (2017), who looks at French military interventions and the role of “intervention entrepreneurs.”
- 2.
France re-joined NATO in 2009 during the presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy.
- 3.
The notion France-Afrique, which originally was coined by Félix Houphouët-Boigny in order to describe the close relationship between France and its colonies, was later given a different meaning by the activist and founding member of the French NGO Survie François-Xavier Verschave (1998). Verschave changed the diction of the term in Françafrique and used it to denounce the clientelistic dimension of France’s Africa policy and the high levels of corruption that accompanied Franco-African relations. Throughout the book, I only use the term Françafrique when referring to the criminal aspects of the relationship. Otherwise, I speak of French African relations or Franco-African relations.
- 4.
Equating European integration with French disengagement from Africa represents only half of the truth. France has emerged as Africa’s main advocate within the EU, thus allowing for African issues to be put on the European agenda. This is particularly true in the realm of security and defense policy. As Charbonneau highlights, “[t]he French role is absolutely central to an understanding of the EU’s role in Africa” (Charbonneau 2009, 552).
- 5.
The Ministry of Cooperation was a colonial relic. It had directly emerged from the Ministry of Overseas France, formerly known as the Ministry of Colonies, and remained a ministry that dealt exclusively with francophone sub-Saharan Africa (Gouttebrune 2002, 1035).
- 6.
Sarkozy, however, continued to listen to special advisor Robert Bourgi, the metaphorical heir (l’héritier spiritual) of Jacques Foccart, who during his lifetime had been the puppeteer of the Françafrique system and the living incarnation of France’s neo-colonial practices in Africa (Foccart and Gaillard 1995; Gregory 2000, 436–37; Bat 2012).
- 7.
In his work on French military involvement in Africa, Charbonneau (2006, 2008a, b) insists that the past two decades of transformation are rather a sign of restructuration than of decline. Charbonneau (2009, 558) considers the Europeanization of the military domain as a reinforcement of “outdated values, practices and structures of a particular kind of knowledge, that of French security policy in Africa.”
- 8.
CAR (August 13, 1960), Gabon (August 17, 1960), Congo (January 1, 1974), Cameroon (February 21, 1974), Senegal (March 29, 1974), Benin (February 27, 1975), Chad (March 6, 1976), Togo (March 23, 1976), Mauritania (September 2, 1976), Niger (February 19, 1977), Djibouti (June 27, 1977), and Mali (October 14, 1977). In the mid-1970s, the three former Belgian colonies Zaire, Rwanda, and Burundi also signed military cooperation agreements with France.
- 9.
Cameroon, Central African Republic, Comoros, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Gabon, Senegal, and Togo.
- 10.
The slogan African solutions to African problems is not entirely new. In the 1970s, Giscard d’Estaing referred to a nexus between “peace, independence, and development, which need to be assured by the Africans themselves” (Dagut 1982, 24). The Carter administration employed the same phrase to describe their approach toward Africa in the late 1970s and early 1980s (van de Walle 2009, 17).
- 11.
Olsen (2009, 8) refers to the 2006 EUFOR mission to Congo, which would have been unthinkable under a French flag due to France’s involvement in the region in the early 1990s, notably the role it played during the genocide in Rwanda.
- 12.
Between 2013 and 2018, French military spending varied between 2.2 and 2.3 percent of French GDP. The Loi de programmation militaire 2019–2020, which was signed in August 2018, foresees a slight increase in military spending to meet the NATO objectives.
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Erforth, B. (2020). Ever Just the Same? French Foreign and Security Policy in Africa. In: Contemporary French Security Policy in Africa. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17581-8_2
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