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The Last War of Antiquity

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The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626

Part of the book series: New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture ((NABHC))

Abstract

This chapter briefly presents the historical scope of the Avar siege of Constantinople. It primarily takes notice of the relationships between the two dominant powers of late antiquity—the Eastern Roman Empire and Persia—from the peace treaty of 591, with a special focus on the last great war of antiquity in the period from 602 to 622.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Blockley 1985, 73–74.

  2. 2.

    On this restoration, cf. Higgins 1939, 27–30 and 1941, 307–315; Mich. Whitby 1988, 292–304; Riedlberger 1998, 161–75; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 172–173.

  3. 3.

    For a debate on the extent of such concessions, see Honigmann 1935, 29–30; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 28; Hewsen 1992, 18–25 (map 4); Greatrex and Lieu 2002, 28–37.

  4. 4.

    Shahid 2004, 235; Howard-Johnston 2010b, 59.

  5. 5.

    Mich. Whitby 1988, 306; Howard-Johnston 1995b, 214. On the importance of these payments: Blockley 1985, 62–74; Borm 2008, 327–346. The subsidies policy of the late Roman Empire is discussed by Gordon 1949, 60–69.

  6. 6.

    Both Borm (2008, 334–341) and Payne (2013, 12) rightly stressed the symbolical value of such tributes, but these were rarely paid on a regular basis. Instead of this, the Persians often received a single lump sum which might be calculated in a retroactive manner covering previous years without such payments (Maksymiuk 2016, 149–157). The single amount of 792,000 solidi paid by Justinian in 532 could hardly be treated as a purely symbolic gesture.

  7. 7.

    Pourshariati 2008, 131–133; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 179–180; Mich. Whitby 1988, 306.

  8. 8.

    Olster 1993, 40–65; Kaegi 1981, 110–118; Mich. Whitby 1988, 165–169.

  9. 9.

    Cf. previous discussion on his identity by Stratos (1968, 55–56); Ludwig (1991, 75–78) and Speck (1993, 222–227). Cf. also Olster 1993, 91; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 196. The earliest testimony of his death can be found in the contemporary letter of the Roman Pope Gregory (Registrum 13.1, 365) dated to September 603. The account of John of Antioch is simple and based on rumours (548.17–19), and this can be also stated for the Armenian Ps.-Sebeos (31, 57). These rumours were rejected by Theophylaktos Simokattes (8.15.8, 314). Of course, it cannot be ruled out that Theodosios really managed to escape (Stratos 1968, 74 and Howard-Johnston 2010a, 437). However, the way he disappeared from the scene causes suspicion, especially when compared to the escape of young Khusro II who got a massive support from several important Persian dignitaries and a significant part of their army against the usurper Bahram Chobin. In previous years, at least two false Persian claimants had taken refuge in Constantinople. The first fugitive claimed to be Kabad, the son of Zames and the grandson of the Persian emperor Kavad (Prokopios Bella, 1.23.23–24, 121–122). The second one pretended to be the son of the Persian king Khusro I and had managed to escape from Persia after his death (John of Ephesus, 6.29, 439–442). Despite their evidently doubtful origin, both were allowed to stay at the court in Constantinople.

  10. 10.

    Greatrex and Lieu 2002, 184; Thomson and Howard-Johnston (1999, 198) and Howard-Johnston (2010a, 61; 2010b, 438) dated the beginning of this attack to the spring of 603.

  11. 11.

    On this revolt: Kaegi 1981, 152–153; Olster 1993, 92–93; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 197.

  12. 12.

    Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 198–201.

  13. 13.

    Paulus Diaconus, 4.32, 127. Cf. Christou 1991, 158. It seems that Phokas just paid a higher tribute to the Avars (Theophanes, 292.11–14); there is no reference to a new peace treaty with them that would be the result of a previous conflict. This tribute was probably increased to 140,000 solidi. Cf. also Pohl 1988, 247.

  14. 14.

    Khuzistan Chronicle, 30.

  15. 15.

    Flusin 1992, 71–74.

  16. 16.

    Chronicon Paschale, 695.2–5 and 696.6–697.3; Theophanes, 293.8–23 and 294.27–295.13; 297.12–298.4.

  17. 17.

    Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 198–202. On the problematic chronology of the Persian attacks in Mesopotamia, cf. Greatrex and Lieu 2002, 185–186.

  18. 18.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 33, 63; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 201.

  19. 19.

    Chronicon Seert, 2.2.79, 520. This is the only source which explicitly mentions his death. If this was the case, one can only speculate who really was behind this crime. Perhaps Theodosios did not meet the expectations of Khusro, or his restoration ceased to be a prime Persian aim as Howard-Johnston (2010b, 62) has concluded.

  20. 20.

    Michael the Syrian, 10.25, 379; Severus of Ashmunein, 481.

  21. 21.

    Flusin 1992, 112–113 and most recently Wood 2013, 200.

  22. 22.

    Flusin 1992, 110; Hoyland 1997, 177.

  23. 23.

    Most authors emphasized the loss of Nestorian influence at the expense of the competing Miaphysites. Cf. Flusin 1992, 106–118 and Wood 2013, 197–211. It seems that Khusro pursued a pragmatic policy towards both Christian communities, as is stated by Greatrex (2006, 49–52).

  24. 24.

    Olster 1993, 117–121, Borkowski 1981, 23–43; Kaegi 2003, 37–43. On the Herakleian dynastic iconography: Rösch 1979, 51–62; Olster 1982, 399–408 and Kaegi 2003, 40–42.

  25. 25.

    John of Nikiou, 107, 421–427.

  26. 26.

    George of Pisidia Bellum Avaricum, 58–60, 160; Miracula Sancti Demetrii, 1.10, 82–83, 112–113; Doctrina Jacobi, 1.40,129, 131; Strategios, 2.1–4, 3–4; Ps.-Sebeos, 31, 57; Michael the Syrian, 10.25, 378. Cf. Al. Cameron 1976, 147–148; Olster 1994, 101–115; Mich. Whitby 1999, 244–245; Liebeschuetz 2001, 274–278 and Booth, 2011, 593–601.

  27. 27.

    Cf. Olster 1993, 125–127, and Kaegi 2003, 45.

  28. 28.

    On the possible route to Constantinople: Kaegi 2003, 45–47.

  29. 29.

    Olster 1993, 127–138; Kaegi 2003, 48–50.

  30. 30.

    Chronicon Paschale, 700–701; John of Antioch, 552, 554; Nikephoros 1, 34.17–36.51, John of Nikiou, 110, 432–422.

  31. 31.

    For a general overview, cf. Olster (1993, 3–5) and more recently Meier (2014, 143, n. 11), who clearly outlined the basic tendencies in shaping the memory of Emperor Phokas by the contemporary Greek authors (2014, 159–174).

  32. 32.

    Meier 2014, 151.

  33. 33.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 31, 57. The collapse of the Danube frontier and the subsequent Slavization of the Balkans has been linked in the past with the disastrous reign of Emperor Phokas: Grafenauer 1950, 74; Ostrogorsky 1959, 4; Stratos 1968, 66; Ditten 1978, 94; Fine 1983, 33. For more cautious views, cf. Charanis 1959, 37; Avenarius 1974, 109 and Waldmüller 1976, 247. For a long time, it was only Barišić (1956, 77–88) who rightly questioned these results stressing the unreliability of the few preserved sources. His conclusions have been further strengthened by various scholars: among others, cf. Weithmann 1981, 81; Lilie 1985, 17–43; Pohl 1988, 125 a 237; Olster, 1993, 69; Whittow 1996, 74; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 196; Curta 2001, 106–107. Despite such claims, the old thesis on the territorial losses in the Balkans under Phokas is still presented by Meier (2014, 150). The lower Danube limes probably only ceased to exist after the conclusion of the treaty with the Avars in 604 (Madgearu 2006, 156, cf. also 1996, 56–57; 1997, 10; 2007, 266).

  34. 34.

    For this revolt: Vita Theodori Syceotae, 152, 121–123; Kaegi 1979, 221–227, and 1981, 142–143. The proposal of peace by Herakleios can be found in various Greek and Syro-Arabic chronicles, but these all go back to the common Eastern source: Theophanes, 300.21–25; Agapios, 450; Chronicon AD 1234, 91, 177; Michael the Syrian, 11.1, 400; Chronicon Seert, 2.2.82, 527. An independent testimony is preserved by Ps.-Sebeos (34, 66), but his mention of the claimant Theodosios being installed as the true emperor by Khusro seems to be an anachronism as he died prior to 610. It seems improbable that Herakleios could dispatch his messengers to Khusro in the wake of Komentiolos’s revolt, and such a view is also supported by the statement of the Constantinopolitan senators in their official letter to Khusro from 615. Cf. Kaegi 1979, 223; Kalogeras 2004, 289.

  35. 35.

    Paulus Diaconus, 4.40, 133. Cf. Christou 1991, 160–161. The new treaty with the Avars is not mentioned, but there is no trace of their attacks at the beginning of Herakelios’s reign.

  36. 36.

    Chronicon AD 724, 113; Chronicon AD 1234, 92, 177; Michael the Syrian 11.1, 400; Agapios, 450; Theophanes, 299.14–18. For a chronology cf. Flusin 1992, 78.

  37. 37.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 33, 64–65; Vita Theodori Syceotae, 153, 123.1–3. The other chroniclers (Theophanes, 299.31–32; Michael the Syrian, 1I.1, 400; Chronicon AD 1234, 92, 177–178) go back to common material. The sack of Melitene and the raid into Pisidia might have occurred later (Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 66; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 203–204).

  38. 38.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 68. Vita Theodori Syceotae 166, 153–154. The other chronicles all depend on the lost common source: Chronicon AD 1234, 92, 177; Michael the Syrian, 11.1, 400.

  39. 39.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 68; Strategios, 3.2, 5; Flusin 1992, 152–154; Schick 1995, 20–26.

  40. 40.

    Flusin 1992, 153; Russell 2001, 43, and Schick 1995, 23. Contra Sivan (2004, 83) points out the two unearthed layers of destruction dating to the early seventh century.

  41. 41.

    Doctrina Jacobi, 4.5, 181, 183 and 5.12, 203; Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 68; Eutychios, 98–99. The precise nature and scope of the participation of the Jews is still a matter of discussion: Horowitz 1998 1–39; Schick 1995 26–31; Av. Cameron 1994, 75–93 and 1996, 249–274; Sivan 2004, 85–88.

  42. 42.

    Wilken 1992, 204 and 207–214; Sivan 2000, 277–306 and Van Bekkum 2002, 95–112.

  43. 43.

    All accounts are taken from the same source: Theophanes, 300.17–18; Michael the Syrian, 11.1, 401. Agapios, 451. Cf. Flusin 1992, 153–154, 177–178; Schick 1995, 31–33. Shahid (1995, 636–641) ascribed these raids to the nomad pastoralists from Palestine and the Arab peninsula and not to the Ghassanid foederates who should have been reaffirming their alliance with the empire at this time.

  44. 44.

    Strategios, 8.5–26, 13–16; Ps.-Sebeos 34, 69–70. The inconsistencies of these primary sources regarding the dating of the siege have been discussed by Flusin (1992, 147) and Thomson and Howard-Johnston (1999, 207). Cf. also Khuzistan Chronicle, 50–52. An overview of all the relevant sources is given by Stoyanov (2011, 11–23) on that siege: Flusin 1992 151–181; Schick 1995 33–39; Avni 2010, 34–48; Petersen 2013, 623–624.

  45. 45.

    For a list of destroyed churches: Schick 1995, 328–359.

  46. 46.

    Strategios, 18.17, 39; Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 69–70; for other sources: Flusin 1992, 164–170.

  47. 47.

    Khuzistan Chronicle, 52 and Al-Tabari, 318. Cf. Howard-Johnston 2006, 12.

  48. 48.

    Drijvers 2002, 176. Only one contemporary Latin chronicle, that of Isidore of Seville (478), mentioned this event.

  49. 49.

    Acta Martyris Anastasii Persae 8, 49; Chronicon Paschale, 706.11–15; Ps.-Sebeos, 38, 78; Continuatio Havniensis, 339.

  50. 50.

    Nikephoros 6, 44.7–46.53 and Ps.-Sebeos, 38, 78–79. On this meeting and the subsequent embassy cf. Kalogeras 2004, 269–296.

  51. 51.

    Chronicon Paschale, 707–708; Nikephoros, 6, 46.1–48.12.

  52. 52.

    Chronicon Paschale, 709.16–19.

  53. 53.

    Acta Martyris Anastasii Persae, 8. 49 and Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 67–68. It is quite complicated to harmonize the information from both sources. It cannot be excluded that the report of Ps.-Sebeos is related to an earlier counteroffensive by Philippikos that is listed in the chronicle prior to the defeat of Herakleios by Antioch in 613. Supporters of just one counteroffensive are aware of the problematic points and the contradictions of the sources. The report of Ps.-Sebeos does not necessarily need to be problematic, given that his lack of a more precise chronology is a common occurrence. Cf. Flusin 1992, 83–93 and Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 205. Cf. also Gelzer 1893, 170–171.

  54. 54.

    This military diversion would then explain the change of attitude of Shahen towards the Roman ambassadors who were imprisoned after their arrival in Persia.

  55. 55.

    Nikephoros, 7, 48.20–22.

  56. 56.

    Shahid 2004, 225–227; Kaegi 2003, 65; Howard-Johnston 2008, 82; 2010b, 440; Frendo 1985, 30–36. Recently, Payne (2013, 30–31) stressed the fact that this decision by Khusro put an end to the previous concept of a bipolar world as well as the traditional Persian hegemonial policy towards Rome which was shaped by Iranian cosmology and based on demanding tributes and territories.

  57. 57.

    Mosig-Walburg 2009, 203; cf. also Howard-Johnston 2014, 169–171.

  58. 58.

    It seems that this factor did not play any significant role in Khusro’s policy. In general, the influence of Achaemenid heritage on Sasanian policy is hard to prove, as several authors have pointed out: Yarshater, 1971; 517–531; Huyse 2002, 297–311 and Kettenhofen 2002, 49–75. For an opposing view: Dignas—Winter 2007, 53–60 and Shahid 2004, 226–228 and 238–243.

  59. 59.

    Vita Deusdedit 319; Continuatio Havniensis, 339; Paulus Diaconus, 4.34, 128; Vita Bonifatii, 321. Cf. also Stratos 1968, 121–122; Kaegi 2003, 93–94.

  60. 60.

    The only, though not entirely reliable, chronology is based on the discoveries of the last coins from these fortresses. In some cases, they were found in the burned layers: Scorpan 1980, 129–131; Madgearu 1996, 54; Zahariade 2006, 231–232; cf. recently Kardaras 2018, 69–79.

  61. 61.

    It is difficult to answer who was behind these attacks on the Roman towns. The author of The Miracles of Saint Demetrios rather vaguely mentioned that the inhabitants of Naissos and Sardike experienced their own siege before their escape to Thessalonica. Pohl (1988, 242) concluded that the attackers were more probably troops led by the Avar khagan rather than the independently attacking Slavs. An opposing view has been raised by Bóna (2000, 171), who attributes this destruction to the Slavs. There are no further details on these attacks, but according to the last coins from the period, the cities could have fallen sometime after 615. Popović 1975, 502 and 1980, 247–248.

  62. 62.

    Miracula Sancti Demetrii, 2.2.195–215, 184–189. Cf. Pohl 1988, 242–243; Petersen 2013, 628–631. For the dating of this attack: Barišić 1953, 98–100; Lemerle 1981, 91–94, 99–103.

  63. 63.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 34, 66; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 204.

  64. 64.

    Russell 2001, 59, 62; Hendy 1985, 416.

  65. 65.

    Theophanes, 301.9–11; Agapios, 451; Michael the Syrian, 11.1, 401; Chronicon AD 1234, 93, 178; Khuzistan Chronicle, 52, 54. Cf. Kaegi 2003, 91–93. On the Persian occupation of Egypt: Altheim-Stiehl 1992, 87–96; Gariboldi 2009, 321–350; Sänger 2011, 653–665. On the possible identification of Saralaneozan, the highest Persian dignitary from Egypt with commander Shahrbaraz, cf. Banaji 2015, 27–42.

  66. 66.

    Chronicon Paschale, 711.11–15. Cf. Teall 1959, 91, and Howard-Johnston 1995a, 136. On the plague: Miracula Sancti Artemii 34, 178.5–7; Nikephoros, 12, 48.1–6 and George Monachos, 669.16–20. For commentary: Stathakopoulos 2004, 342–34. On the possible transfer of the capital to Carthage: Nikephoros, 8, 48.6–16 (discussed by Van Dieten 1972, 8–9 and Kaegi 2003, 88).

  67. 67.

    Chronicon Paschale, 706.9–12. Cf. Yannopoulos 1978, 102–108; Hendy 1985, 494–495.

  68. 68.

    Theophanes, 302.34–303.3; Nikephoros, 11, 54.1–3. On the dating of these measures: Van Dieten 1972, 10 (621); Stratos 1968, 127, and Howard-Johnston 1999, 34–35. The raising of the tribute to the Avars is specially mentioned by Theophanes (302.27–30).

  69. 69.

    On the military exercises: George of Pisidia: Expeditio Persica 2, 120–162; Theophanes, 303.12–17 and 304.3–11; in this regard: Howard-Johnston 1999, 36; Rance 2000, 223–275.

  70. 70.

    Shahid 1995, 641–646.

  71. 71.

    Howard-Johnston 2004, 101.

  72. 72.

    George of Pisidia Expeditio Persica 2, v. 79–119, 92, 94. On this propaganda: Howard-Johnston 1999, 36–38. For previous use of the religious factor in the Roman–Persian wars, see Frendo 1997, 105–112.

  73. 73.

    On this campaign: Gerland 1894, 340–348; Stratos 1979, 63–74; Oikonomides 1975, 269–281; Zuckerman 1988, 206–210; Howard-Johnston 1999, 3–4; and Poláček 2008, 105–124.

  74. 74.

    According to a vague but valuable fact mentioned by George of Pisidia (Expeditio Persica 2, v. 256, 104), both armies met in battle sometime at the turn of autumn and winter in 622.

  75. 75.

    George of Pisidia Expeditio Persica 3, v. 339–340, 130; Theophanes, 306.7–8; cf. also Baynes, 1912, 126.

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Hurbanič, M. (2019). The Last War of Antiquity. In: The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16684-7_4

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