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‘Star Anu, Lord of Heaven’: The Influence of the Celestial Sciences on Temple Rituals in Hellenistic Uruk and Babylon

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Scholars and Scholarship in Late Babylonian Uruk

Part of the book series: Why the Sciences of the Ancient World Matter ((WSAWM,volume 2))

Abstract

The scholarly activities of the cuneiform-literate elite of Hellenistic Uruk ranged from astronomy, astrology , and medicine to theology and religious worship. Most scholars had priestly duties in the temples and many of Uruk’s leading minds were involved in the celestial sciences as well as in the city’s cultic reforms centred on the sky god Anu . The influence of these scholars’ intensive engagement with the stars on other disciplines, leading to new intellectual fields like birth horoscopy and astral medicine, is well-known. In this article, it is argued that the predominance of the celestial sciences in Hellenistic Babylonian scholarship also left its mark on local religious thought and ritual practice, both in Uruk and in Babylon . Stars and planets were included in daily offering cycles at the temples, cultic calendars were reinterpreted in astrological terms, and the astronomically significant events of the summer and winter solstice became occasions for religious festivals.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Geller (2014).

  2. 2.

    Clancier (2009: 30–33, 47–73).

  3. 3.

    Robson (2007).

  4. 4.

    ACT 163 H.

  5. 5.

    Monerie (2013: 421–425).

  6. 6.

    BRM IV 7.

  7. 7.

    BRM IV 8.

  8. 8.

    W 18828 (UVB 15: 36–37).

  9. 9.

    SpTU 1, 2. This text probably dates to the Achaemenid or Hellenistic period; the content is anachronistic, since neither Marduk nor Anu were important deities during Šulgi’s time. It fits into a broader category of first-millennium BCE texts that describe Šulgi as an evil king who disturbed certain temples and ritual ordinances. However, it is unusual in its specific focus on the Anu cult, which suggest a terminus post quem of 484 BCE, the year of the intervention of Xerxes I into the organisation of many Babylonian city temples which led to the collapse of the Eanna and the revival of the Anu cult at Uruk (Waerzeggers 20032004; Kessler 2004).

  10. 10.

    K 3753; ed. McEwan (1981: 174–178).

  11. 11.

    Ibid. obv. 1–6; cf. KAV 218 II 16–21; ed. Reiner and Pingree (1981: 81–82).

  12. 12.

    MLC 1866 ; Beaulieu (2004: 315). See also Beaulieu in this volume and Beaulieu et al. (2018).

  13. 13.

    TU 12 + VAT 7847; Weidner (1967).

  14. 14.

    A new edition and analysis of all the microzodiac tablets had been prepared by Monroe (2016).

  15. 15.

    I intentionally exclude here the kalû material like the kettledrum and the building rituals, which were also occasional rituals and in terms of content not specific to Uruk, even though the latter were probably excerpted for the major temple renovations in the mid- and late third century BCE.

  16. 16.

    Oppert, Doc. Jur. 2 obv. 3 (245/244 BCE); ibid. 4 rev. 2′–3′ (223/222 BCE); OECT 9, 51 obv. 8–9 (undated).

  17. 17.

    TU 41 obv. 14–32. For a detailed analysis and interpretation of the ceremony described in TU 41, see Krul (2018).

  18. 18.

    Mul.Apin I 1 19.

  19. 19.

    It is also telling that no effort is made in any of the available sources to identify each planet with a specific deity; e.g. whether Mercury represented Ninurta, Nabû, or Marduk seems to have been irrelevant (unless, of course, the users of these texts simply took that knowledge for granted).

  20. 20.

    TU 41 rev. 28.

  21. 21.

    K 7067 (CT 13 31): 3; Horowitz (1998: 147–148); id. (2010: 79–80), Lambert (2013, 178) does not read zi-im bu-n[é-e], but zi-im bu-n[a--e], ‘the appearance of the forms…’.

  22. 22.

    Reiner (1995: 15–20, 86–88).

  23. 23.

    Koch-Westenholz (1995: 112); Ambos (2013).

  24. 24.

    Livingstone (2013: 107-150; 201-234).

  25. 25.

    BM 45749 obv. 1–35; Walker and Dick (2001: 70–72).

  26. 26.

    For the development of the Anu cult at Late Babylonian Uruk and its various political and theological aspects, see Krul (2018).

  27. 27.

    Neo- and Late Babylonian eššešu festivals probably spanned two consecutive days and took place monthly on days 1–2 (new moon ), 7–8 (half-moon ), 14–15 or 15–16 (full moon ), 19–20 (the ‘day of the sun ’) and 24–25 (waning moon ); Waerzeggers (2010: 140), Krul (2018).

  28. 28.

    Ibid. The ideal winter solstice , according to the early first millennium BCE system attested in MUL.APIN , fell on 15-X (MUL.APIN I iii 7–9). The outdated MUL.APIN system was still known and used at Seleucid Uruk (Steele forthcoming); furthermore, one astronomical text refers to ‘the equinox of month VII’ and ‘the solstice of month X’ to indicate the autumn equinox and winter solstice , even though the text as a whole refers to events occurring on the real calendar (SpTU 5, 269: rev. 11–12). In the more sophisticated Late Babylonian ‘Uruk scheme’, the actual date of the winter solstice fluctuated between 13-IX and 11-X (Neugebauer 1975: 362, Table 3; Britton 2002: 44, Fig. 7).

  29. 29.

    The only exception is the Great Festival of Nanna, held around the winter solstice at Ur during the Ur III period (Cohen 1996). Since that festival was nearly 2000 years earlier than the one at Uruk and restricted to a local mythological tradition at Ur, which involved a yearly battle for supremacy between the moon god Nanna and the sun god Utu, it seems of little relevance here.

  30. 30.

    BM 34035: 1–8 (Livingstone 1986: 255).

  31. 31.

    BM 34035: 33–35, 52–53 (Linvigstone 1986: 256–257).

  32. 32.

    SBH VIII rev. v 35–47 (Çağırgan 1976: 180–182).

  33. 33.

    There are a few references in Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian sources for special festivities on day 16-X (Uruk, Borsippa , Nineveh ; Robbins (1996: 69), Waerzeggers (2010: 134–137); SAA III 7: 10), but even though they seem to have focused on deities whose radiant light was a central aspect of their identity—a festival for Šamaš at Borsippa , Ištar ‘brightening’ the Emašmaš at Nineveh —it cannot be determined whether these were seen as connected to the winter solstice ; rather the contrary in the case of Borsippa , where the Šamaš festival was repeated in month VI, when one would expect month IV if it had been solstice -related.

  34. 34.

    RAcc 127-154 + BM 32485: 252–56 (Linssen 2004: 228).

  35. 35.

    RAcc 127-154 + BM 32485: 230–31, 240 (Linssen 2004: 227).

  36. 36.

    Rochberg (2009: 58–62).

  37. 37.

    RAcc 127-154 + BM 32485: 302–315, 325–332 (Linssen 2004: 229–230).

  38. 38.

    K 7353 obv. 7, 16–17 (McEwan 1981: 174–175).

  39. 39.

    SBH VIII obv. II 16–17 (Çağırgan 1976: 172).

  40. 40.

    Beaulieu (1992, 1995, 2004), Krul (2018).

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Acknowledgements

The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/ERC Grant Agreement No. 269804 and from the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (project AZ 17/F/15).

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Krul, J. (2019). ‘Star Anu, Lord of Heaven’: The Influence of the Celestial Sciences on Temple Rituals in Hellenistic Uruk and Babylon. In: Proust, C., Steele, J. (eds) Scholars and Scholarship in Late Babylonian Uruk. Why the Sciences of the Ancient World Matter, vol 2. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04176-2_7

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