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Conventions, Reasons and the Law

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Legal Conventionalism

Part of the book series: Law and Philosophy Library ((LAPS,volume 126))

Abstract

According to Marmor, many critics thought that Hart had not given any good reason to think that the rules of recognition are conventions, and in any case, no conventional understanding of such rules is plausible. Others, including Marmor himself, defended this conventionalism about the rules of recognition, albeit, on different grounds. His main aim in this essay is to clarify his position and provide some further arguments in support of the view that constitutive conventions are at the foundation of law. In particular, he tries to show, in the face of the criticisms that its proposal has received from Postema, that it is still necessary to postulate the constitutive character of the rule of recognition. Indeed, Postema has argued that it was sufficient to extend the notion of coordination employed by Lewis and himself at some earlier time (he now prefers to speak in terms of “cooperation”) to argue that it is not necessary to take Marmor’s step. In contrast, Marmor argues that there are innumerable conventional practices, which it would be wrong to describe as solutions to preexisting coordination problems. In his view, insisting on coordination belittles the talent and inventiveness of human beings. Our sophisticated social practices are not limited to solving the problems with which we find ourselves. People create practices that they consider valuable to undertake. And one of them is the legal practice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Hart’s theory of social rules is scattered around several places, but most of it is in Hart (1961), pp. 82–86. For a more detailed explanation, see Marmor (2011a), pp. 51–59.

  2. 2.

    I am aware of the fact that most philosophers these days refer to beliefs as one kind of attitude, and thus the expression “beliefs and attitudes” may seem odd. Perhaps, but I don’t see a reason not to single out belief from other kinds of mental attitudes like positive or negative dispositions toward something, likes or dislikes, etc. That’s what I mean but attitudes, and of course it may include beliefs and other epistemic attitudes.

  3. 3.

    As I explain in Marmor (2011a), pp. 57–59, Hart had some reasons to refrain from giving us an account of the reasons for following social rules, aiming to keep an account of the normativity of law separate from moral questions about law’s merit or legitimacy.

  4. 4.

    See Hart (1961), p. 105.

  5. 5.

    See Hume (2000), p. 320.

  6. 6.

    Hart (1994), p. 256.

  7. 7.

    Lewis (1969).

  8. 8.

    As far as I know, the first to suggest a coordination rationale for the rules of recognition was Postema (1982), p. 165.

  9. 9.

    Julie Dickson raised some doubts about this standard interpretation. See Dickson (2007), p. 373.

  10. 10.

    Green (1996), p. 1687.

  11. 11.

    See, for example, Kopcke-Tinture (2011), p. 183; Giudice (2010) and Postema (2011), pp. 529–533.

  12. 12.

    See Lewis (1969).

  13. 13.

    Technically, it comprises two types of “games”—pure/perfect coordination, where the relevant agents are indifferent with respect to the alternative courses of action available, and imperfect coordination problems, e.g. “battle of the sexes” games, where the agents do have a preference for one of the options, but their dominant preference is to act on the choice that the others act on.

  14. 14.

    See Marmor (2009), pp. 22–25.

  15. 15.

    See Hart (1961, p. 133); see also Marmor (2009), pp. 162–163.

  16. 16.

    Postema (2011), p. 531.

  17. 17.

    I explained this in greater detail in Marmor (2009), pp. 5–7. Del Mar (2010) raised some perplexing objections to this idea, claiming that it is just not possible for a social norm to have an alternative in the relevant sense unless the population who follows the norm is aware of the alternative. As he puts it: “arbitrariness is an experience that depends on when and who experiences it”. Clearly this is not the relevant notion of arbitrariness that we employ in this debate. Del Mar’s assertion that “our nature, and the nature of our social world, is not one that can be determined as one way or the other”, and others like it, make me suspect that there are much more profound issues, such as the very nature of analytical philosophy and respect for careful arguments, that we would have to disagree about.

  18. 18.

    This does not mean that understanding the nature of conventions is necessarily exhausted by the ways in which they relate to reasons for action. Conventions may serve other social functions that are not directly instantiated by reasons for actions.

  19. 19.

    Postema (2011), p. 529.

  20. 20.

    Marmor (2009), chapter 1.

  21. 21.

    Some critics were puzzled by my insistence that the reasons in play here are actual reasons for action and not merely perceived or motivating reasons. See Lestas (2013), p. 1 and Smith (2011), p. 451. My response is in Marmor (2011b), p. 497.

  22. 22.

    See Marmor (2009), chapter 2.

  23. 23.

    Postema (2011), p. 531.

  24. 24.

    See note 11 above.

  25. 25.

    I do not mean to refer here off-handedly to Margaret Gilbert’s account of conventions as jointly accepted principles of action. My critique of her specific view is in Marmor (2009), pp. 25–30.

  26. 26.

    Marmor (2009), mostly chapter 2.

  27. 27.

    See my Philosophy of Law (Marmor 2011b), pp. 167–168.

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Marmor, A. (2019). Conventions, Reasons and the Law. In: Ramírez-Ludeña, L., Vilajosana, J. (eds) Legal Conventionalism. Law and Philosophy Library, vol 126. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03571-6_4

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