Abstract
In confronting neoliberal models and their emphasis on state-market alliances, new developmentalism emerged as a powerful alternative and was received with enthusiasm by leftist forces in Brazil and in Latin America. Strengthening the role of the state seemed an effective route to confront the predominance of the market advocated by neoliberals, and it certainly was responsible for unquestionable advances in fighting inequalities. However, this new version of the state has been unable to redefine the old formula of a “strong, self-sufficient state” and the centralizing political practices characteristic of the “old” developmentalism. The legacy of old Marxist conceptions of the state as the main agent of social transformation has been an additional element in the Workers’ Party view of the role of the state. Thus, this chapter argues that such a strategy created a paradox within a historical milestone of the Workers’ Party: the participation of society in decision-making processes. By concentrating political power and emphasizing technocratic and restricted decision processes, the new developmental state ended up contributing to draining the potential of participatory democracy. In spite of their quantitative increase in the national level during the Workers’ Party governments, participatory institutions, which gradually developed after the 1988 Constitution, have been frequently bypassed, and social participation downgraded from its more radical and original meaning. The fading of participatory democracy, coupled with an emphasis on the traditional mechanisms of Brazilian representative democracy, chronically plagued by corruption and lack of representativeness, frustrated the hopes for inclusive and sustainable policies and for a deepening of democracy through a radically new alliance between state and society. Among the factors underlying the crisis of the left in Brazil, the failure of a reconfiguration in the role of the state as a “political conscious actor in favor of development” seems to have taken its toll, since it has not been able to effectively combine its shifts with a radical redefinition of society’s decision power.
Keywords
- Workers’ Party
- New developmentalism
- Neoliberalism
- State
- Participatory democracy
Parts of this chapter draw on ideas and formulations presented in previous works, particularly on Dagnino (2016), Dagnino and Teixeira (2014).
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Vargas became a mythical figure in the Brazilian popular imaginary, known as the “Father of the Poor”. In Dilma Rousseff’s first electoral campaign in 2010, she was presented as the “Mother of the Poor”. See http://politica.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,lula-vai-apresentar-dilma-na-tv-como-mae-dos-pobres,596194. Accessed in December 2010.
- 3.
In fairness, in his 2004 book, which is not about new developmentalism but on public management reform and democracy, Bresser does discuss participatory democracy, concluding: “In historical terms, however, I think we should be more modest or more realist, and, for the time being, try to build the republican state and the republican democracy” (p. 194).
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An innovative but failed attempt was the consultation process on a Pluriannual Plan (PPA) to decide on national investment priorities, at the beginning of Lula’s government in 2003. Civil society discussions took place in all 27 states, involving more than 2000 organizations, and culminated in a proposed document in August 2003. Nevertheless, the PPA was extensively modified by both the Executive and Congress, resulting in a final document that ultimately privileged certain exporting industries (such as mining and agro-industry) and included various dam construction projects, which had been heavily criticized by civil society participants. “Technical decisions” on, for example, interest rates and budgetary priorities were presented as the exclusive realm of government technocrats (Dagnino and Teixeira 2014). The approval of the Forest Code and the building of the Belo Monte hydropower plant also have been clear examples of heavy protests and long and intense social mobilization in defense of sustainability, ignored by the government. Similarly, in spite of heavy protest, conflicting economic and environmental policies have led to devastating environmental consequences as in Bolivia and Ecuador.
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In Ecuador, for example, the moderately radical initial establishment of the Council of Citizen Participation and Social Control, denominated as the Fifth Power, has been undermined, according to Moscos (2014), by “executive intrusions” and “hyper-presidentialism”.
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Dagnino, E. (2019). The Choices of the Left: The Paradox of the New Developmentalist State. In: Puzone, V., Miguel, L. (eds) The Brazilian Left in the 21st Century. Marx, Engels, and Marxisms. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03288-3_4
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