Libert Froidmont’s Conception and Imagination of Space in Three Early Works: Peregrinatio cœlestis (1616), De cometa (1618), Meteorologica (1627)

Pantin, Isabelle

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-02765-0_9

Isabelle Pantin¹⁰

Part of the book series: Studies in History and Philosophy of Science ((AUST,volume 48))

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Abstract

Libert Froidmont defended a single conception of space in the three books he published as a professor of philosophy at the University of Leuven before, as a professor of theology, he became involved in a series of open controversies (against heliocentrism and in defence of Jansenius). This conception of space was anti-Aristotelian; it was influenced by Stoicism, by the impact of the work of Tycho Brahe, and that of the new telescopic discoveries. However, the style, aim and focus of the successive expositions of this conception did change, as Froidmont became more and more invested both in his theologian studies, and in his defence of the geocentrist cosmology supported by the Roman Church. The Peregrinatio cœlestis (1616), which belonged to the tradition of humanist joco-seria, was meant to contribute positively to the debate first prompted by the publication of the Sidereus nuncius. The De cometa (1619), a dissertation on the 1618 comet, openly supported the 1616 decree against Copernicus. In the Meteorologicorum libri sex (1627), a traditional Aristotelian paraphrase, the demonstration was mainly supported by references to contemporary exegetes, and showed that the interpretation of Scripture was henceforth the issue that most interested Froidmont.

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Notes

1.
On Froidmont’s life and work, see Monchamp 1892, Ceyssens 1963, Bernes 1988.
2.
Froidmont’s comments on Seneca would appear in the third printing of the Lipsian edition (Seneca 1632). A new edition, with additions, was published twenty years later (Seneca 1652). On the way in which Froidmont distanced himself from some aspects of Stoic physics, see Pantin 2008.
3.
From 1514 onwards Vives mainly lived in the Netherlands. In 1517, as a tutor to the young Cardinal Guillaume de Croy , he moved to Leuven and obtained permission to teach publicly at the university, which he did until 1523. In December 1522 he presided over the jocular Disputationes quodlibeticæ, with considerable success. Lipsius (Somnium, 1581) and Erycius Puteanus also wrote satirical dreams. See Lipsius 1581, Puteanus 1608, De Smet 1996.
4.
On this genre see Relihan 1993, Weinbrot 2005.
5.
Nannius succeeded Conrad Goclenius at the Collegium Trilingue in 1539. He wrote two satirical dreams (1542 and 1545). See Sacré 1994.
6.
Vanpaemel 2014, 67.
7.
His Saturnalitiæ cænæ (1616) are dedicated to Jean Druys , Abbot of the Park and visitor to the university.
8.
Jansenius also taught courses at St. Pulcheria, notably on Hebrew language and Thomistic theology. Jansenius was once more absent from Leuven from early 1623 to April 1627.
9.
Orcibal 1989, 158–159. Andrea Trevisi was also the dedicatee of Froidmont’s Anti-Aristarchus (1631).
10.
Orcibal 1989, 159 and 163; Wils 1927. Froidmont was legens at the University from April 1630 (nominated in August 1630), and regens from 30 September 1634.
11.
Orcibal 1989, 159; Jansen 1929, 194. The stipend was forty or fifty florins. Froidmont and Jansenius approved the reformed status of the Abbey (Augustinian in spirit) in 1631.
12.
On his death bed (on 6 May 1638) Jansenius had entrusted his manuscript, ready for the press, to his chaplain Reginald Lamæus , the canon Henricus Calenus , and to Froidmont. Froidmont’s role was critical in seeing the manuscript through to publication. The book was printed in Leuven in 1640, with a royal and imperial privilege, and a dedication to the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands. Throughout the remainder of his life (until his death on 27 October 1653) Froidmont fought in vain for the abolition of the ban imposed on the book by Urban VIII (bull In eminenti, March 1642) and Innocent X (bull Cum occasione, June 1653).
13.
Plantin published the main achievements of the theologians of Leuven in print in Antwerp, notably the Biblia Polyglotta (1568–1572) and a new edition of Augustine , supervised by Johannes Molanus (1576–1577).
14.
Pius V (bull Ex omnibus afflictionibus, 1567) and Gregorius XIII (Provisionis nostrae, 1579) condemned several Baius ’ theses, but this did not prevent the latter from being given the most important responsibilities at the university.
15.
Boute 2010.
16.
Copernicus 1543, I, 9. The plurality of the centres of gravity and of movement was already asserted in the first and second postulates of Copernicus’s Commentariolus, written between 1510 and 1514. See Copernicus 2015, I, 232–240.
17.
See Lerner 1997, 11–15; Barker 1985.
18.
See Lerner 1997, 3–66; Granada 2002, 2006.
19.
See Lerner 1995; Pantin 2013. Ugo Baldini has shed light on the inner tensions in the Society concerning these subjects, by analysing documents relating to preliminary censure (Baldini 1992).
20.
On the relationship between Roman Saturnalia and Christian Carnival see Grafton et al. 2010, 116.
21.
“To the reader,” Kepler 1965, 5.
22.
Kepler 1965, 39.
23.
Froidmont 1631, 108, quoted and translated in Vanden Broecke 2015, 86: “fatuellae imaginationis luculam tam manifestae veritatis luci anteponunt.”
24.
Froidmont 1616, a3r: “et nihil credere, nisi lippientibus aliquot e mucida Antiquitate senecionibus prævisum, affirmamus.” Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are mine.
25.
Froidmont 1616, a3r: “Sentium, scio, spinarumque aliqua cæde opus, quas diu aluit opinio communis: sed adhibe manum.”
26.
Froidmont 1616, 68: “Ignis ille tuus nusquam est; neque si adsit pilum tibi fortasse an unum crispabit.”
27.
Froidmont 1616, 73.
28.
Froidmont 1616, 74–76.
29.
Froidmont 1616, 76–77: “Idem illud, aut fallor, impressissime adferebant sidera comantia, quæ etsi rarenter, inter Planetas tamen, vel supra quandoque, arbitrantibus etiam vobis, nata. Materia ergo, habitus pinguis et flammæ diu nutriens, adeo inoffensa cæli cujusquam solido ascendit.”
30.
Froidmont 1616, 76–77: “Ab hac eadem caussa sidus illud insignitum Anno 1572 in imagine Cassiopœæ novitium. Cælica enim et stellans in fornice Firmamenti pars est, quam ampliavit ad speciem circumvoluta materia mortalis, cum sola fallat.”
31.
Froidmont 1616, 78.
32.
Froidmont 1616, 80. A marginal note calls attention to this issue: “Asperitas manifesta Lunæ non belle patitur Epicyclo circumvinciri.”
33.
Froidmont 1616, 80–81.
34.
Froidmont 1616, 81: “Et tale profecto esse debuit hoc Universi tectorium; ne Elementa levia sursum obice nullo in Spacia Imaginaria effunderentur: nisi periculum deorsum Vacui, fortasse tamen valide satis retineret.”
35.
On this concept, see Algra 1995, 261–239; Sorabji 1988, 125–141, and Sect. 3.2.2 of Bakker’s Chapter 3 in this volume.
36.
Froidmont 1616, 82: “Sed quantulum tamen adhuc memini: palantes omnes stellas, excipuo sole, fungosas, bibulasque (impervias tamen) lucis, ut nubes, vidi; quam reflectunt varie, et pro mixtura opacitatis.”
37.
See Pantin 2001. This paper opposes the idea, often expressed elsewhere, that Froidmont was sympathetic towards Copernican ideas before the Decree of 1616. See Monchamp 1892, 49–52; Favaro 1893, 738–743; Redondi 1988, 83–85 and 102–103; Van Nouhys 1998, 244–245 and 295–297.
38.
Kepler 1611.
39.
Lipsius 1604, L. I, diss. 18–20.
40.
Froidmont 1616, 73: “applaudamque hac parte saltem Philosophiæ Chinensi, quæ igne, aqua, terra, metallo, ligno Elementa circumscribit, expuncto aere.” A marginal note places further emphasis on this point: “Quinque Elementa Chinensium Philos.”
41.
Trigault 1616, 350: “elementa quinque numerari, nec de ea. re apud eos dubitare fas est, aut disceptare. elementa vero sic numerant: metallum, lignum, ignis, aqua, terra, &, quod intolerabilius est, alterum ex altero nasci affirmant. Sed neque aërem, quia non vident, agnoscunt. ubi enim nos aërem, ibi vacuum esse volunt.” The permission from the Provincial Superior of Lyons is dated 10 April 1616. Froidmont’s Saturnalitiæ cænæ were published towards the end of 1616.
42.
See, notably, Aiguillon 1613, 419–423: “Disputatio quo pacto luna a Sole lumen accipiat, susceptumque ad nos transmittat.” Aiguillon was the rector of the Jesuit College of Antwerp.
43.
See Pantin 2005; Pantin 2013.
44.
See above, note 37.
45.
Froidmont 1616, 80–81. See Pantin 2013.
46.
Froidmont 1616, 83: “Elias et Enoch Planetam aliquem incolunt, nisi displicet Magistris nostris.”
47.
Froidmont 1616, 84.
48.
Froidmont 1616, 84: “Non erit igitur, ut aqua illa automatôs et spontali lapsu magis ad Planetæ nostri (Telluris dico) centrum ruat, quam hæc maria ad Lunam. ut prodigiosus palam fuisset, nisi fabulosus, homo ille quem Luna excidisse tradidit Heraclides .”
49.
Froidmont 1616, 86: “nisi sacra Scriptura tamen eos in corde Terræ defodiat.” This may be a reference to Apoc. 12:9: “Et projectus est draco ille magnus, serpens antiquus, qui vocatur diabolus, et Satanas, qui seducit universum orbem: et projectus est in terram, et angeli ejus cum illo missi sunt.”
50.
Froidmont 1616, 86: “quod certe tam clare non facit, quin Augustino, Gregorioque nebula, imo tota nubes reliqua manserit. Ille 20. de Civit. c. 16. In qua parte Mundi Infernus sit, scire neminem arbitror, nisi cui divinus spiritus revelavit.” This reference was traditional. See Petrus Lombardus, In IV Sententiarum, Dis. 44, qu. 3, Art. 2: “Ad tertiam quæstionem dicendum, quod sicut Augustinus dicit, et habetur in littera, in qua parte mundi infernus sit, scire neminem arbitror, nisi cui divinus spiritus revelavit; unde et Gregorius in 4 dialog., super hac quæstione interrogatus respondet: hac de re temere definire non audeo.”
51.
Froidmont 1619, 152–153: “Hæc scripsi Generosi D.D. in gratiam D.D.V.V. occasione confabulationis desuper in convivio vestro nudius quartus habitæ; quae ut æqui bonique consulatis, rogo.” Tobie Matthew , a friend of Bacon and Benedetto Castelli , is likely to have informed Fienus of the 1616 edict against heliocentrism pronounced by the Roman Inquisition.
52.
According to the ‘Capellian system’ Mercury and Venus moved around the Sun (and the Sun and the superior planets around the Earth). This attenuated form of geo-heliocentricism, described in Martianus Capella’s De nuptiis, was popular in the Netherlands; see Vermij 2002, 32–42.
53.
Froidmont 1619, 79: “Ut patrem nostrum jugulares te barba illa stimulavit.”
54.
Froidmont 1619, 122: “Sed de Copernicanis quid ex te nuper intellexi VIR CLARISSIME?”
55.
Froidmont 1619, 123: “Maxime per Academias, ubi viri docti, quibus talis opinionis forte periculum.”
56.
Froidmont 1619, 123–124: “Si tamen Pontifex terram stare, cœlum circumagi decrevit; et hoc ad spiritualem Reip. Christianæ gubernationem pertinere putarit, credo Scripturam sacram adspexisse, Josue praesertim 10. & Ecclesiast. 1 […]. Quo nihil evidentius, si Scripturam in rigorosissimo sensu accipis.”
57.
Froidmont 1619, 124: “Dent manus [Copernicani], aut forte hoc. Scripturam communibus quandoque hominum conceptionibus obsecundare.” On the exegetical principle of accommodation see Laplanche 1991; Granada 1996; McMullin 1998.
58.
Froidmont 1619, 130: “Nihil ergo (iterum dicam) de Cometarum generationis tempore certi, nihil comprehensi. Nascuntur subito, fortuitoque (nec tamen nego stellas huc aliquid adferre) ac deinde statim consenescunt, ut multa in his inferioribus.”
59.
Froidmont 1619, 130–131: “nam de caussa efficiente, dictum ante, potissimum esse Solem, qui radio Cometæ caput inflat et extendit in caudam.”
60.
Froidmont 1619, 131: “Itaque sicut Copernicus terram circa suum centrum, nubesque et exhalationes, et quicquid cum terra et aqua cognationem habet, motu circulari et eo naturali volvi sciscit, ita forte omnes Planetas (excepta tamen Luna) cum exhalationibus in circumfusum ætherem ex corporibus eorum elicitis, rotari naturaliter circa Solem, ut suum centrum velit.”
61.
Froidmont 1619, 131: “Imo hoc asserere potes, licet Copernicanam mundi ordinationem non totam probes.”
62.
Froidmont 1619, 133.
63.
Froidmont 1619, 133–134.
64.
Froidmont 1619, 136: “Breviter ergo Cometa peregrinum in Regione Planetarum sidus est, cohæsum de substantia ætheris, et circulum in Sphæra, majorem, ut Planetæ a propria forma (vel alliga intelligentiam, si vis) describens.”
65.
Froidmont 1619, 136: “Non ibo jam longius (videbo quid alias facturus:) et redeo ad alia studia quae hoc labore dies aliquot intercalavi.”
66.
Froidmont states that he disagrees on this point with Camillo Gloriosi and Willebrord Snellius (see Gloriosi 1624; Snellius 1619): he thinks that the Sun, the lamp of the universe, must be “exempted from the law of exhalations,” not to suffer losses, as it must be “more immortal” than the other celestial bodies (Froidmont 1627, 119: “quia magis immortalis hæc publica Mundi lampas esse debuit, ne ea. extincta, esset sine lumine”).
67.
In the Meteorologicorum libri Froidmont occasionally refers to the De cometa. See, notably, Froidmont 1627, 118–119.
68.
Vanpaemel 2014, 58.
69.
Froidmont 1627, 3: “Tycho tamen id quod Planetas interfluit, auram quamdam naturæ cælestis, et diversæ ab his inferioribus, credit: sed nondum mihi persuasit […]. Halitus etiam terreni, effusissime rarefacti, supra Lunam scandent quandoque, […] miscebunturque mortalia divinis et incorruptibilibus: quod non decet.”
70.
According to Froidmont, Aristotle (in De caelo, II, 5) confesses that it is extremely difficult to make any certain pronouncements about the heavens. Thus, if it had been possible to convince the Philosopher “by better reasons” that the heavens are corruptible, he would have agreed (Froidmont 1627, 119).
71.
Froidmont 1627, 4: “Ac ne putares intelligi de aëre proxime supra nubes, addit, exhalationem istam rapere secum aërem sibi continuum: id est, illum quem hactenus supremam aëris regionem appellare solemus. Hic ergo est, quem Aristoteles proprie aërem; alterum vero qui superest, et ad Lunam usque, aut verius ad ipsum Firmamenti fornicem, pertingit, propter exhalationum ferventium copiam et mixturam, ignem vocavit.”
72.
Aristotle , Meteorology, I, 4, 341b; W.E. Webster’s translation, Aristotle 1931.
73.
Simplicius , De cælo I, cap. 2, 34:5. See Simplicius 2011, 28–29. See also Sorabji 2010 (chs. 6 and 7 on space); Wildberg 1988.
74.
On Froidmont’s opposition to the partisans of the incorruptibility of the heavens, see also Froidmont 1627, 118. He is more indulgent towards those who simply propose that comets and novae might be permanent celestial bodies, like Fienus , who “has given this thesis a new and remarkable verisimilitude, though in a playful style, without being obdurate” (Froidmont 1627, 107: “novam iis et egregiam – licet ludenti nec pertinaciter inhærenti calamo – probabilitatis speciem fecit”).
75.
He refers to Bede , St Jerome, Cyril and Clement of Alexandria , who affirm that heaven was made from the water that filled the world at the beginning (Froidmont 1627, 119).
76.
Froidmont 1627, 119: “Ex Scriptura Sacra aperte colligi arbitramur materiam cælorum (si Empyrium excipias: de quo contrarium probabiliter defendi posset) convenire in specie cum materia rerum sublunarium;” quotation from Molina 1592, 1963.
77.
Molina 1592, 1960: “Deum a principio solum creasse Empyreum, terram et aquas, ex aquisque fuisse fabricata cætera simplicia corpora, etiam cœlestes omnes orbes mobiles.”
78.
See Kelter 2015.
79.
Froidmont 1627, 119–120: “nec esse cur Scripturam non tam proprie accipiamus, nisi anticipatam tantum Aristotelicarum quarumdam, quae facile solvi possunt, rationum opinionem;” quotation from Serarius’s commentary on the second epistle of Peter, ch. 3, qu. 2 (Serarius 1612, part II, 52). Nicolaus Serarius (1555–1609) had occupied the chairs of theology and Sacred Scripture at Würzburg and Mainz. In his Josue, ab utero ad ipsum usque tumulum he went so far as accusing Copernicus of heresy (Serarius 1610, 1004–1006).
80.
Froidmont 1627, 120. Reference to Lapide 1616, 12. Cornelius van den Steyn (1567–1637) had been professor of Holy Scripture and of Hebrew at Leuven before teaching the same subjects in the Collegio romano, from 1616 onwards. He wrote commentaries on the Canon and the Deuterocanon, the Book of Job and the Psalms excepted.

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Ecole Normale Supérieure – PSL Research University, Paris, France
Isabelle Pantin

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Isabelle Pantin
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Center for the History of Philosophy and Science, Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands
Frederik A. Bakker
Department of Philosophy, Paul Valéry University, Montpellier, France
Delphine Bellis
Center for the History of Philosophy and Science, Radboud University, Nijmegen, The Netherlands
Carla Rita Palmerino

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Pantin, I. (2018). Libert Froidmont’s Conception and Imagination of Space in Three Early Works: Peregrinatio cœlestis (1616), De cometa (1618), Meteorologica (1627). In: Bakker, F., Bellis, D., Palmerino, C. (eds) Space, Imagination and the Cosmos from Antiquity to the Early Modern Period. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 48. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02765-0_9

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02765-0_9
Published: 06 February 2019
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