Abstract
In introducing Capitalism in Colonial Contexts, we raise the question whether there is currently an epistemological crisis in historical archaeology, as those writing from the “margins” of the field increasingly critique taken-for-granted arguments about the development of capitalism and the way in which colonized and indigenous populations are largely viewed as peripheral to this process. We draw upon postcolonial theory, particularly Subaltern Studies histories, to suggest new engagements with capitalism and colonialism in historical archaeology, which are able to recognize the importance of these two “universals” of our discipline, and yet are able to do so without privileging Eurocentric narratives. Case-study chapters in the volume are also introduced and discussed in relation to our overall theoretical arguments.
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- 1.
We recognize the contentions over the scope and use of this term (see particularly Moreland 2001; Reid and Lane 2004; Schmidt and Walz 2007), however we apply it in the general sense meant by those who are members of the Society for Historical Archaeology, the annual meeting of which the papers in this volume were first aired. The concise definition on their website states: “Historical archaeology is the study of the material remains of past societies that also left behind some other form of historical evidence. … These sites [in the New World] document early European settlement and its effects on Native American peoples, as well as the subsequent spread of the frontier and later urbanization and industrialization. By examining the physical and documentary record of these sites, historical archaeologists attempt to discover the fabric of common everyday life in the past and seek to understand the broader historical development of their own and other societies.” (Society for Historical Archaeology 2007) This definition is problematic in terms of a global discourse within the discipline, but we shall leave it to other authors to contribute new defining terms.
- 2.
In these comparisons, archaeologists are, in fact, trying to mark off their territory as the only discipline in which truly long-term comparison can take place, since archaeology “is the only discipline that can cover the full temporal range of colonial forms over the millennia.” (Gosden 2004: 6)
- 3.
Stein (2005b: 4) notes, drawing on a seminar and edited volume of work by archaeologists attempting cross-cultural comparisons in the archaeology of colonialism that there is a lack of consensus by anthropologists as to: “(1) what colonies are, (2) how and why colonies vary from one another, (3) how colonies function as social, economic, and political entities, (4) what colonial relations are like with indigenous host communities, and (5) how ethnic identities are transformed in colonial situations.” Within this discourse, even the terminology of colonies, colonization, and colonialism are contested ground. Within history, there has been a challenge for rigor in the use of the term colonial as a phenomenon outside of what might more narrowly be termed empires or true imperial formations, the use of which may result in “a diminished ability to make distinctions among the various forms of discrimination and exclusion [existing outside of colonialism] and a tendency to look away from the actual histories of colonization toward a homogenized coloniality.” (Cooper 2005: 26; cf. Palus, this volume). Even within a more narrowly defined sense of colonialism, the changes and temporalities of colonialism can be hard to capture: “Although distinguishing empires with chronological labels – “modern,” “premodern,” or “ancient” – is tautological and unrevealing, empires did change over time and in space. Empires’ capacities and strategies altered as competition drove innovations in ideas and technology and as conflicts challenged or enhanced imperial might.” (Burbank and Cooper 2010: 17, cf. Gosden 2004 on the periodization of colonial formations)
- 4.
A lack of dialogue on the nature of colonialism within the field may also relate to postcolonial amnesia in some quarters (Gandhi 1998: 4) as well as the usual north-Atlantic-centric assumptions on the part of historical archaeology more generally.
- 5.
For a narrative of colonialism ordered chronologically which distinctly unseats this epoch of specifically Western and European colonialism as the only form of the last 500 years see Burbank and Cooper (2010: Chaps. 6–11).
- 6.
This definition can be compared to that of a recent comparative volume written by historians: “Empires are large political units, expansionist or with a memory of power extended over space, polities that maintain distinction and hierarchy as they incorporate new people . . . empire reaches outward and draws, usually coercively, peoples whose difference is made explicit under its rule. The concept of empires presumes that different peoples within the polity will be governed differently.” (Burbank and Cooper 2010: 8) This definition shares with Gosden attention to the power of the colonial or imperial formation. But Gosden is not concerned, in his general definition, to pay attention to differences between empire and state power; he is concerned only with the operation of power within expansive political formations. Burbank and Cooper, by contrast, are writing from the perspective of modern historians, where a distinction between nation-states (which may also be expansive) and empires is required; in this they find that the marking of difference in colonial subjects (whether or not this has material registers, for this is not their concern) rather than the shared citizenship of nation-states, is the fundamental premise of colonial power.
- 7.
A flip side to this is the assumption of the place of the West as viewed from the side of the Rest, often allowing for discourses about the place of the Occident to go unchallenged (Carrier 1992).
- 8.
It should be noted that postcolonial theory and Marxism have a complex relationship; postcolonial scholars are indebted to a theoretical genealogy of Marxist scholarship, particularly coming through Foucault to Said, but they simultaneously are able to take apart the Marxist historical framework of the idea of the West and its Others (Gandhi 1998: 25; Patterson 2008: 30).
- 9.
- 10.
The issue of scholarly positionality is a key one in postcolonial theory, as articulated in the seminal piece ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ (Spivak 1988). See also Fontein (2010: 315) and Battle-Baptiste (2010: 390) for specific discussion of the place of position (both emic and etic) and representation in postcolonial archaeological scholarship.
- 11.
One of the strongest analogies to the system in place in Russian Alaska may be found in Spanish colonialism in the Americas. See in particular Voss (2008) for a full length study of attempts to regulate ethnicity versus on-the-ground ethnogenesis. See also Deagan (1973, 1998) and Loren (2005) for further discussions of ethnicity and colonialism in Spanish America. For a more general discussion on issues of sexuality and identity within colonial relations, see McClintock (1995) and Cooper and Stoler (1997).
- 12.
The plantation landscape of Zanzibar was also very different to that of the spatially ordered modern landscapes of Jamaican plantations as discussed by Higman (1987) and Delle (1998), thus adding to the complexity of our understandings of what plantations are. See Croucher (2007, in prep) for detail on plantation landscapes and their relationship to capitalist production on Zanzibar.
- 13.
The historical roots of speculative capitalism and their legacy of global inequalities while presenting the specter of possible riches are also addressed in Tsing (2005), Friction, through the Bre-X scandal in Indonesia.
- 14.
One thing that should also be noted is the potential for the renarration of heritage within the terms of neoliberal capitalism as heritage increasingly becomes a potential commodity (Hall and Bombardella 2005; Horning, this volume).
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Croucher, S.K., Weiss, L. (2011). The Archaeology of Capitalism in Colonial Contexts, an Introduction: Provincializing Historical Archaeology. In: Croucher, S., Weiss, L. (eds) The Archaeology of Capitalism in Colonial Contexts. Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0192-6_1
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