Abstract
In The Denial of Death [1], cultural anthropologist Ernest Becker proposed that while humans share with all forms of life a basic biological predisposition toward self-preservation in the service of survival and reproduction, we are exceptional in our capacity for symbolic thought, which enables us to ponder the past, plan for the future, and transform the products of our imagination into concrete reality. We are also aware of our existence, which according to the Danish philosopher Søren Kierkegaard gives rise to two uniquely human emotions, awe and dread. It is awesome to be alive and to know it, to recognize that we are each descended from the first form of life, and are thus related (albeit distantly) to everything that has ever been alive, is currently alive, or will be alive in the future, and be sublimely appreciative of the chance to carry the baton for a lap in the relay race of life! Yet, it is dreadful to be alive and to know it, to recognize that we are, like all living things, of finite duration, that our death can occur at any time for reasons that cannot be anticipated or controlled, and that we are, from a purely biological perspective, no more noteworthy or enduring than worms or walnuts.
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Notes
- 1.
The terms proximal and distal have a variety of connotations in psychological discourse, but here we are using them in the vernacular sense of the psychological distance (proximal  =  near; distal  =  far) from consciousness.
- 2.
In all of the studies described to this point, there were a few minutes between reminding people of their mortality and asking them to evaluate others or rate their self-esteem (i.e., distal defenses). Research (summarized in [6]) has shown that conscious death thoughts are actively suppressed during this time, and distal defenses are not instigated until death thoughts are unconscious (and highly accessible). Consequently, measures obtained immediately after a mortality salience (MS) induction reflect proximal defenses in response to conscious death thoughts, while measures obtained a few minutes later (or in some studies, in response to subliminal death reminders) reflect distal defenses in response to unconscious death thoughts.
- 3.
There are dozens of studies examining the relationship between death anxiety and a host of medical outcomes (e.g., death anxiety and choice of medical specialty; death anxiety and stress in various hospital settings). This work, while interesting and important, is generally uninformative for present purposes for two reasons. First, correlational studies do not allow inferences of causality; e.g., perhaps death anxiety leads to stress in emergency rooms or intensive care units, but it is also possible that emergency room or ICU stress leads to death anxiety. Second, self reports of death anxiety conflate (and possibly confound) conscious and unconscious death anxiety. So for example, Greenberg et al. [3] found that people who reported the lowest levels of death anxiety actually responded most vigorously in defense of their cultural worldviews following a mortality salience induction, suggesting that (in this case at least) low conscious death anxiety was a defensive manifestation of high unconscious death anxiety.
- 4.
There were no Muslim participants in this experiment.
- 5.
The first group of medical students participated in the study just before the palliative care rotation.
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Solomon, S., Lawlor, K. (2011). Death Anxiety: The Challenge and the Promise of Whole Person Care. In: Hutchinson, T. (eds) Whole Person Care. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-9440-0_9
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