Abstract
The question of political repression and violence in democratization is a general global problem because there is evidence that, as political competition and pluralism increase, reported political violence such as attacks on journalists, party activists, and human rights activists also increases (Ahnen 2003; Pereira 2000). Much of the early literature on democratization cited some important, mainly European, transitions to democracy as evidence of the peaceful nature of the post-1974 wave of democratization including the Portuguese “revolution of the carnations” (1975), the Czechoslovakian “velvet revolution” (1989–1990), and the Hungarian and Polish transitions to democracy, where no major state-led episodes of violence occurred (Maxwell 1986; Rosenfeld 1994). Also, frequently mentioned was Spain’s democratization (1975–1977) where, in the height of violence, only two students, five communist lawyers, and five policemen were murdered (Maravall and Santamaría 1986:84).
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
For a detailed discussion of the historical and nation-specific countries involved in the three waves and reverse waves of democratization, see Huntington (1991:16). Mexico had its first, fair competitive presidential election in 2000, which ended 71 years of single-party dictatorial rule and was, at that time, considered to have been part of this the wave of democratization.
- 2.
As compared with the number of deaths from communal conflicts, civil wars, international wars, and dictatorships, the death toll from liberalization–democratization processes is quite limited (Huntington 1991:192–207). Nevertheless, this observation does not deny the impact of political killings associated with liberalization–democratization processes on the individual victims and their families. The impact of such political killings, in addition, is also social in nature insofar as it has intergenerational effects on multiple persons beyond the single victim. This intergenerational effect is discussed further in Chap.
- 3.
As Zepeda Lecuona (2002:83) notes the following of the Mexican legal system in general: “The agencies within the Attorney General Offices have long promoted objectives that parallel legal or de facto institutional goals: profiting from and illegal use of arbitrary powers by justice system functionaries and officials. These individuals abuse their authority with impunity. In a virtual “privatization” of civil service, deciding which cases will be processed has turned into auction, with court services going to the highest bidder.”
- 4.
See Washington Valdez (2006:140) regarding alleged high-level pacts between Mexican politicians, law enforcement officials, and drug lords. As with political killings, perpetrators of civil homicide in “soft” legal systems can take advantage of the knowledge that there is a structured system of impunity from prosecution to proceed with their crimes. Low-level drug dealers, for example, were reported to have engaged in the Juárez femicides “because they know they could get away with it” (Washington Valdez 2006:191).
- 5.
The PTS scale measures levels of political violence and terror that a country experiences in a particular year based on a 5-level “terror scale” originally developed by Freedom House. The data used in compiling this index come from the yearly reports of Amnesty International and the US State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. In the construction of an index for each year for each report, countries are scaled as if the reports are accurate and complete. Level 1 is as follows: “Countries under a secure rule of law, people are not imprisoned for their view, and torture is rare or exceptional. Political murders are extremely rare.” Level 2 is as follows: “There is a limited amount of imprisonment for nonviolent political activity. However, few persons are affected, torture and beatings are exceptional. Political murder is rare.” Level 3 is as follows: “There is extensive political imprisonment, or a recent history of such imprisonment. Execution or other political murders and brutality may be common. Unlimited detention, with our without a trial, for political views is accepted.” Level 4 is as follows: “Civil and political rights violations have expanded to large numbers of the population. Murders, disappearances, and torture are a common part of life. In spite of its generality, on this level, terror affects those who interest themselves in politics or ideas.” Level 5 is as follows: “Terror has expanded to the whole population. The leaders of these societies place no limits on the means or thoroughness with which they pursue personal or ideological goals (Terror Scale 2008).”
- 6.
To further complicate matters, in practice, a regime may employ, in a historical sequence all types of political repression–imprisonment, then torture and then killings as occurred in the Argentine Dirty War (Lewis 2001) and in other cases of political repression.
- 7.
There were, of course, priísta political activists killed in episodes of political violence; and some priístas were assassinated as the result of intraparty conflict within the PRI during these years. These include two high-level PRI members who were assassinated (Luis Donaldo Colosio and José Francisco Ruíz Massieu, the PRI presidential candidate and party leader) in March and September 1994. Rojas Alba (1996:25) also documents ten priísta deaths between 1988 and 1994. Supporters of the PRI in Chiapas after the January 1994 EZLN uprising, were ambushed, killed, and expelled from various communities (Implausible Deniability 1997:71–72, 80). PRI supporters, in interviews with Human Rights Watch, blamed the PRD, priests, and a PRD-affiliated group called “Night Ant” for armed confrontations in Venustiano Carranza and Chilón municipalities. In the wake of the July 2, 2000 election, which the PRI lost, confrontation within the PRI over a municipal government post in Cuatitlán, Mexico caused the death of 15 PRI members, the wounding of 98 with 5 critically wounded (La Jornada, 8/19/00:1). The outgoing PRI major of the town of Santa Catarina Yosunotuú, Oaxaca was also killed in postelectoral violence (Proceso 1/11/93:26). Deaths of priístas in postelectoral and shoot-outs with perredistas,allegations of anti-PRI deaths at the hands of perredistas, and the political assassinations of panistas that coincide in time and space with the political murder of PRD member in the states of Puebla, Chiapas, Oaxaca, and Michoacán (Proceso 6/5/89:10; Proceso 6/5/89:26) can be found in the appendix.
- 8.
The PAN, in contrast, which acted largely as a “patronage seeking party”, was “an opposition willing to play by authoritarian rules, with the eventual but distant objective of liberalizing the electoral system, but obtaining office, public financing, and other resources in the meantime, in exchange for loyally ‘fronting’ opposition candidates to make the regime look competitive (Eisenstadt 2000:8).”
- 9.
There were 217 mayorships in dispute (Crónica de Gobierno 1994:449).
- 10.
This global list of 986 listed incidents include the 250 perredista deaths (1988–2004) discussed in this book as well as other human rights violations against PRD members, which make up the majority of the incidents on the list. In addition, there includes incidents of violence against other political actors such as those against panistas, priístas, parmistas, socialists, communists, other leftists, zapatistas, peasant and/or agrarian movement members, independents, policemen, journalists, photographers, lawyers, and members of civil society (urban leaders, indigenous persons, children, PRD office staff, PRD sympathizers, mothers/fathers of PRD members, and individuals engaged in petty commerce).
References
African Affairs. 2000. “Zimbabwe: Life After ZANU-PF,” 99,396, July, pp. 449–53.
Aguayo, Sergio. 6/11/03. “En el cambio: Celebración,” Reforma.
Ahnen, Ron. 2003. “Between Tyranny of the Majority and Liberty: The Persistence of Human Rights Violations Under Democracy in Brazil,” Bulletin of Latin American Research, 22(3): 319–39.
Barkan, Joel D. and Ng’ethe, Njuguna. 1998. “Kenya Tries Again,” Journal of Democracy, 2: 32–48.
Borisovna, L. and Velez, F. 1991. “Thoughts on the Spatial Distribution of the Population in Puebla,” Temas Poblac, 1(14): 17–22.
Campbell, Bruce B. 2000. “Death Squads: Definition, Problems, and Historical Context,” in Brenner, Arthur D. and Campbell, Bruce B., eds. Death Squads in Global Perspective: Murder with Deniability. New York: St. Martins, pp. 1–26.
Carey, Sabine C. 2006. “The Dynamic Relationship Between Protest and Repression,” Political Research Quarterly, 59: 1–11.
Chevigny, Paul. 1999. “Defining the Role of the Police in Latin America,” in Medenz, Juan E., O’Donnell, Guillermo, and Pinheiro, Paulo Sergio, eds. The (Un)Rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America. Notre Dame, ID: Notre Dame Press, pp. 49–70.
CHR. 1994. Un sexenio de violencia política. Mexico City: Comision de Derechos Humanos, Grupo Parlamentario del PRD.
CNDH. 2001. National Human Rights Commission Report on the Disappeared. Mexico City, Mexico: CNDH.
CNDH. 1994. Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Informe de la Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos sobre las 140 quejas presentadas por el Partido de la Revolución Democrática. Mexico City: CNDH.
Cornelius, W.A.1999. “Subnational Politics and Democratization: Tensions Between Center and Periphery in the Mexican Political System,” in Cornelius, W.A., Eisenstadt, Todd A., and Hindley, Jane, eds. Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico. San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies at the University of California, pp. 3–18.
Cornelius, W.A.1996. Mexican Politics in Transition: The Breakdown of a One-Party-Dominant Regime. La Jolla, CA: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California San Diego, Monograph 41.
Crónica del Gobierno de Salinas de Gortari: 1988–1994. 1994. Mexico: Presidencia de la República, Unidad de la Crónica Presidencial: FCE.
Crónica de la Violencia Política. 1997. Puebla. Fundación Ovando y Gil, Secretaría de Derechos Humanos del Partido del Revolución Democrática. Mexico City, Mexico.
Davenport, Christian. 1998. “Liberalizing Event of Lethal Episodes: An Empirical Assessment of How National Elections Effect the Suppression of Political and Civil Liberties,” Social Science Quarterly, 79: 321–40.
Dahl, Robert.1995. “Multi-Dimensional Threat Perception and State Repression: An Inquiry into Why States Apply Negative Sanction,” American Journal of Political Science, 39(3): 683–713.
Davenport, Christian and David A. Armstrong II. 2004. “Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical analysis from 1976–1996,” American Journal of Political Science, 48(3): 538–54.
De Mesquita, Bruce Bueno, Downs, George W., Smith, Alastair and Cherif, Feryal Marie. 2005. “Thinking Inside the Box: A Closer Look at Democracy and Human Rights,” International Studies Quarterly, 49: 439–57.
Diamond, Larry. 2000. “Is Pakistan the (Reverse) Wave of the Future?,” Journal of Democracy, 11(3): 91–106.
Diamond, L. and Morlino L., eds. 2005. Assessing the Quality of Democracy. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Di Palma Giuseppe. 1990. To Craft Democracies: An Essay on democratic transition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Donnatella, della Porta and Vannucci, Alberto. 2000. “Controlling State Crime in Italy: The Corruption of a Democracy,” in Jeffrey, Ian Ross, ed. Varieties of State Crime and Its Control. New York, NY: Criminal Justice Press, pp. 149–80.
Donnelly, Jack. 1988. International Human Rights, 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Economist. January 11, 1997. “Cat and Mouse in Singapore,” pp. 33–4.
Eisenstadt, T. 2007. “Explaining the Credibility Gap in Mexico’s 2006 Presidential Election, Despite Strong (Albeit Perfectible) Electoral Institutions,” Presentation, The Mershon Center, The Ohio State University, April 17.
Eisenstadt, T. 2004. Courting Democracy in Mexico. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Eisenstadt, T. 2000. “Eddies in the Third Wave: Protracted Transitions and Theories of Democratization,” Democratization, 7(3): 3–24.
Eisenstadt, T.1999. “Electoral Federalism or Abdication of Authority?” in Cornelius, W.A., Eisenstadt, Todd A., and Hindley, Jane, eds. Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico. La Jolla, CA: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, pp. 269–93.
Elections and Events. 1992–1993. “UC San Diego Latin American Electoral Statistics, Mexico, 1992–93,” http://www.ucsd/.../elections-and-events-1999.
Ellis, Stephen. 1999. The criminalization of the state in Africa. Jean-François Bayart, Stephen Ellis, Béatrice Hibou; translated from the French by Stephen Ellis Bayart, Jean-François [London]: International African Institute in association with J. Currey, Oxford. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
El Sol de Puebla. 10/16/07.
El Universal. 1/21/04; 2/03/05; 9/29/04; 2/06/05; 2/07/05; 2/09/05; 2/14/05; 12/7/09.
Fein, Helen. 1995. “More Murder in the Middle: Life-Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987,” Human Rights Quarterly, 17: 170–91.
Fine, Robert. 1984. Democracy and the Rule of Law: Marx’s Critique of the Legal Form. Caldwell, NJ: The Blackburn Press, republished in 2002.
Fox, Jonathan. 2007. Accountability Politics: Power and Voice in Rural Mexico. New York: Oxford University Press, Oxford Studies in Democratization.
Gartner, Scott Sigmund and Regan, Patrick. 1996. “Threat and Repression: The Non-Linear Relationship Between Government and Opposition Violence,” Journal of Peace Research, 33(3): 273–87.
Gledhill, J. 1995. Neoliberalism, Transitionalization and Rural Poverty: A Case Study of Michoacán, Mexico. Boulder, Co: Westview Press.
Gómez-Tagle, Silvia. 1994. “Electoral Violence and Negotiation,”in Harvey, Neil and Serrano, Monica, eds. Party Politics in an“Uncommon Democracy”: Political Parties and Elections in Mexico. London: Institute of Latin American Studies, pp. 72–92.
Gordon, Diana R. 2006. Transformation & Trouble: Crime, Justice, and Participation in Democratic South Africa. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Gurr, Ted Robert. 1986. “The Political Origins of State Violence and Terror: A Theoretical Analysis,” in Stohl, Michael and Lopez, George A., eds. Government Violence and Repression: An Agenda for Research. Westport, CT: Greenwood, pp. 45–72.
Gurr, Ted Robert. 1993. “Why Minorities Rebel: A Global Analysis of Communal Mobilization and Conflict Since 1945,” International Political Science Review, 14: 161–201.
Hegre, Harvard, Ellingsen, Tanya, Gales, Scott, and Gleditsch, Nils Petter. 2001. “Toward a Democratic Civil Peace? Democracy, Political Change and Civil War, 1816–1992,” American Political Science Review, 95: 33–48.
Henderson, Conway. 1991. “Conditions Affecting the Use of Political Repression,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 35(1): 120–42.
Human Rights Watch. 1996a. Albania. “Democracy Derailed: Violations in the May 26, 1996 Albanian Elections,” June 1996, 8(10) (D).
Human Rights Watch. 1996b. Zimbabwe. “Violation on Election Day, Post-Election Violations, Role of the International Community,” June 1996, 8(10) (D).
Human Rights Watch. 2002a. “Zimbabwe: Submission to the Commonwealth Ministerial Action group,” January 30, 2002, http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/zimbabew/Zim3-05.htm.
Human Rights Watch. 2002b. “The Bullets Were Raining – The January 2001 Attack on Peaceful Demonstrators in Zanzibar,” April 10, 2002.
Human Rights Watch. 2003. Zimbabwe. “Interview with Rivers State Commissioner of Police S.O. Araba, Port Harcourt,” July 18, 2003.
Huntington, Samuel P. 1991. The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press.
Ibarra, Carlos Figeroa. 1991. “Guatemala: The Recourse of Fear,” in Huggins, Martha K., ed. Vigilantism and the State in Modern Latin America. New York: Praeger Publishers, pp. 73–84.
Implausible Deniability: State Responsibility for Rural Violence in Mexico. 1997. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch.
Johnson, R.W. 2000. Zimbabwe’s Hard Road to Democracy: Report of an Exit Polls During the Election of June 24–25, 2000. Hararre: Helen Suzman Foundation.
Kelman, Herbert C. and Lawrence, Lee H. 1972. “Assignment of Responsibility in the Case of Lt. Calley,” Journal of Social Issues, 28(1): 177–212.
Kirschke, Linda. 2000. “Informal Repression, Zero-Sum Politics and Late Third Wave Transitions,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 38: 383–405.
La Jornada. 6/26/95; 8/19/00; 10/11/00; 10/14/00; 9/20/01; 10/27/01; 11/3/01; 12/18/01; 3/11/02; 3/24/02; 4/10/02; 7/03/02; 7/06/02; 7/28/02; 9/24/02; 2/06/03; 3/06/03; 3/20/03; 6/13/03; 6/17/03; 7/18/03; 10/31/03; 11/3/03; 2/01/04; 2/09/04; 6/24/04; 9/28/04; 29/04; 12/04/04; 2/07/05; 4/03/05; 11/16/05; 5/23/07; 12/17/09; 2/10/10; 7/8/10; 8/8/10.
Levitsky, Steven and Way, Lucan. 2002. “The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism,” Journal of Democracy, 13(2): 51–65.
Lewis, Paul. 2001. Guerrillas and Generals: The Dirty War in Argentina, Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Manaut, Raúl Benítez. 2000. “Containing Armed Groups, Drug Trafficking, and Organized Crime in Mexico: The Role of the Military,” in Bailey, John and Godson, Roy, eds. Organized Crime and Democratic Governance. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, pp. 126–60.
Maravall, J.M. and Santamaría, J. 1986. “Political Change in Spain and the Prospects for Democracy,” in O’Donnell, G., Schmitter, P.C., and Whitehead, L., eds. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Southern Europe. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 71–108.
May, Christopher. 2005. “The Rule of Law: What Is It and Why Is It ‘Constantly on People’s Lips’?” http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/faculty/profiles/chris-may, Internet manuscript version.
Maxwell, K. 1986. “Regime Overthrow and the Prospects for Democratic Transition in Portugal,” in O’Donnell, G., Schmitter, P.C., and Whitehead, L., eds. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Southern Europe. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 109–37.
Meyer, Lorenzo. 2000. “Agenda Ciudadana: El ingeniero Cárdenas,” Reforma, March 9.
Middlebrook, K.J.1986. “Political Liberalization in an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Mexico,” in O’Donnell, G., Schmitter, P.C., and Whitehead, L., eds. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Latin America. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, pp. 123–47.
Milgram, Stanley. 1965. “Liberating Effects of Group Pressure,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1(2): 127–34.
Milgram, Stanley. 1977. The Individual in a Social World: Essays and Experiments. London: Pinter & Martin, Ltd.
Moore, Barrington. 1963. The Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship. Boston: Beacon Press.
Muller, Edward. 1985. “Dependent Economic Development, Aid Dependence on the United States, and Democratic Breakdown in the Third World,” International Studies Quarterly, 29(4): 455–70.
New York Times. 6/24/08; 6/26/08. “Security Council Urges Zimbabwe to Halt Violence; Zimbabweans Make Plea for Help as Runoff Nears.”
Newsweek. 2002. “The Grievance of All Grievances,” March 11, p. 36.
O’Donnell, Guillermo A. 2004. The Quality of Democracy. Notre Dame, ID: Notre Dame Press.
O’Donnell, Guillermo A. 1999. “Polyarchies and the (Un)Rule of Law in Latin America,” in Medenz, Juan E., O’Donnell, Guillermo, and Pinheiro, Paulo Sergio, eds. The (Un)Rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America. Notre Dame, ID: Notre Dame Press, pp. 303–38.
O’Donnell, Guillermo and Schmitter, P. 1986. Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
PBI. 2001. Peace Brigades International Mexico Project Information Bulletin, No. 5, May, pp. 2–5.
Pereira, Anthony. 2000. ‘An Ugly Democracy? State Violence and the Rule of Law in Brazil,” in Kingstone, Peter, ed. Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions and Processes. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh, pp. 217–35.
Pizzorno, A. 1993. Le Radici della Politica Assoluta. Milano, Italy: Feltrinelli.
Poe, Steven C. and Neal Tate, C. 1994. “Repression of Human Rights to Personal Integrity in the 1980s: A Global Analysis,” American Political Science Review, 88(4): 853–872.
PRD. 1994 [Warner, Isabel]. “Encadenamiento de Impunidades,”in Un sexenio de violencia política. Mexico City: Comisión de Derechos Humanos, Grupo Parlamentario del PRD.
Proceso. 6/5/89. “Cambiaron los papeles en la permanente:el PRI actua como el opositor en Michoacán,”pp. 10–1.
Proceso.1/11/93. “Con Siete Crímenes políticos y 45 alcaldías tomadas, se incia el nuevo año electoral,” pp. 26–8.
Raz, Joseph. 1977. “The Rule of Law and Its Virtue,” The Law Quarterly Review, 93: 190–6.
Reforma. 11/6/01; 9/7/02; 5/12/03; 2/15/05.
Regan, Patrick M. and Henderson, Errrol A. 2002. “Democracy, Threats and Political Repression in Developing Countries: Are Democracies Internally Less Violent?,” Third World Quarterly, 23(1): 119–36.
Rojas Alba, Mario. 1996. Las Manos Sucias: Violaciones a los derechos humanos en Mexico (1988–1995) Mexico, DF: Grijalbo.
Rose, Richard and Shin, Doh Chull. 2001. “The Problem of Democracy Backwards,” British Journal of Political Science, 31, 331–54.
Rosenfeld, M. 1994. Constitutionalism, Identity, Difference and Legitimacy: Theoretical Perspectives. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
Rummel, R.J. 1995. “Democracy, Power, Genocide, and Mass Murder,” Journal of Conflict Resolution, 39(1): 3–26.
Schatz, S. 2001. “In Cold Blood: Opposition, and Murder in the Rise of Mexico’s Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD),” in Political Opportunities, Social Movements and Democratization, Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol. 23. New York: Elsevier, pp. 255–95.
Schedler, Andreas. 2006. Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Schroeder, Michael J. 2000. “To Induce a Sense of Terror: Caudillo Politics and Political Violence in Northern Nicaragua, 1926–34 and 1981–95,” in Campbell, B. and Brenner, A., eds. Death Squads in Global Perspective: Murder with Deniability. New York: St. Martin’s Press, pp. 27–56.
Sikkink, Katheryn. 2004. Mixed Signals: U.S. Human Rights Policy and Latin America,Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Smulovitz, Catalina and Peruzotti, Enrique. 2000. “Societal Accountability in Latin America,” Journal of Democracy, 11(4): 141–50.
Sorenson, G. 1993. Democracy and Democratization. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Synder, Jack. 2000. From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
Terror Scale. 2008. “Political Terror Scale,” http://www.politicalterreroscale.org/faq.html.
Tierra Noticias. 10/27/01. “Recordará PRD a Militantes Asesinados”; 2/28/03.
Thompson, E.P. 1976. Whigs and Hunters. NY: Pantheon Books.
Turk, A.T. 1982. Political Criminality: The Defiance and Defense of Authority. Beverly Hills: Sage.
Unger, Roberto. 1976. Law in Modern Society: Toward a Criticism of Social Theory. New York: The Free Press. Uniceflac, 3/8/03.
Vallier, Ivan. 1971. “Empirical Comparisons of Social Structure: Leads and Lags,” in Vallier, Ivan, ed. Comparative Methods in Sociology. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Viñuales, Jorge E. 2007. “Impunity: Elements for an Empirical Concept,” Law & Inequality, 25(142): 115–42.
Villareal, Andrés. 2002. “Political Competition and Violence in Mexico: Hierarchical Social Control in Local Patronage Structures,” American Sociological Review, 67: 477–98.
Washington-Valdez, Diana. 2006. The Killing Fields: The Harvest of Women. Burbank: Peace at the Border.
Zepeda Lecuona, Guillermo. 2002. “Inefficiency at the Service of Impunity: Criminal Justice Organizations in Mexico,” in Bailey, John and Chabat, Jorge, eds. Translational Crime and Public Security. La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, pp. 71–108.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2011 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Schatz, S. (2011). Theoretical Dimensions of a Structured System of Impunity for Political Killings. In: Murder and Politics in Mexico. Studies of Organized Crime, vol 10. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8068-7_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8068-7_3
Published:
Publisher Name: Springer, New York, NY
Print ISBN: 978-1-4419-8067-0
Online ISBN: 978-1-4419-8068-7
eBook Packages: Humanities, Social Sciences and LawSocial Sciences (R0)