Abstract
Many facets of the ancient Maya diet have been studied through paleobotany, bone-chemistry research, paleopathology as well as other traditional archeological methods (Boot 2005; White 1999; Wright 2006). Epigraphic studies of late have also begun to contribute to our overall understanding of certain foodstuffs used by the ancient Maya elite during the Classic and Post-classic periods (Reents-Budet 1994; Houston et al. 2006). The results from this productive union of epigraphy and science have opened the door to understanding the specific uses of many Maya ceramic vessels and have further helped to unlock the nature and content of Maya hieroglyphic writing. We now know that many Maya vessels were labeled with “name tags,” essentially designators of vessel type and descriptions of the substances they held (Houston and Taube 1987). In this study, through the use of ethnographic and linguistic data, I will investigate a number of the key terms relating to food and drinks found in Maya hieroglyphic inscriptions and offer some insights into their contextual meaning in Classic and Post-classic Maya cultures. In addition, I present a number of new or refined interpretations of food or drink-based terms, some of which point to the unparalleled importance of cacao as an elite commodity, according to the epigraphic record. I will also look at the iconography of foodstuffs as they are depicted in Maya art as a means of better understanding the role of markets and product distribution during the Late Classic period. Finally, I introduce examples of specific titles relating to foodstuffs that appear in the name phrases of Maya elite and attempt to assess and interpret the cultural currency associated with such gastronomic epithets.
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Notes
- 1.
According to several secondhand reports from different consultants, Wisdom notes that a sorcerer is initiated through a seven-day fast, after which he or she goes to the church at 11:00 p.m. and recites the following words (orthography altered, translation mine): “Jachpe’n tu’ Maria, Jachpe’n tata’ Jwan, awajk’e’n inte’ tas e kakaw” “Arise, Mother María. Arise, Father Juan; give me a cup of chocolate!” The devil then appears to the initiate, and they both go to the cemetery to meet Juan and Maria. Once there, Juan gives him the cacao to drink, after which he then agrees to give his soul to the devil (Wisdom 1940:336, and footnote 24).
- 2.
- 3.
By way of example, Wisdom describes a cacao frothing stick as being between 8 and 16 in. long and made of cedar, which is used, it is said, since cedar wood does not give a “foreign taste to foods” (1940:148).
- 4.
Reents-Budet translates tzih te’el kakaw as “fresh cacao made from the sweet pulp of the cacao tree” (1994:75).
- 5.
In Chiapas, Mexico, cacao grown in the higher altitudes is called “wild cacao” (International Bureau of the American Republics 1904:80).
- 6.
- 7.
This Terminal-classic Chocholá-style vessel uses the velar spirant j instead of the expected glottal spirant h in the term for “water,” showing the breakdown in the epigraphic distinction at that time (cf. Grube 2004).
- 8.
Stuart (2006:195–196) has suggested chab kakaw is a label for “sweet cacao.”
- 9.
Sir J. Eric Thompson also noted the use of honey as a thickening agent in drinks in the highlands of Guatemala. Honey, together with sweet potato and corn cruel, were added to a type of atole made from the kokom plant, a tuberous plant of unknown type, to make it thick and pasty (Thompson 1972:109).
- 10.
Interpreting chab as “honey” would also figure into the unique occurrence of uchab yutal on K5042, meaning “the honey or the yut.” Though several readings have been proposed for the term yut, none is fully satisfactory yet (cf. Beliaev et al., this volume).
- 11.
The variation between long and short vowel in this term is apparent from this review of some of the linguistic sources, though Kaufman and Norman reconstruct a long vowel koox for proto-Lowland Mayan (1984:123).
- 12.
- 13.
The term t’ut’ in Mopan refers to the White-fronted Parrot (Amazona albifrons) (Fergus and Hull n.d.)
- 14.
Another possibility, however, is that mul represents the name of the vessel type, similar to yuk’ib meaning “cup,” lek for “plate,” etc. If the underlying form of the glyphic mul is mul[ul] with the final derivational suffix simply underspelled, this could indicate a particular kind of drinking vessel associated with this cacao mixture. Case in point, murur in Ch’orti’ means a “tecomate (gourd)”, one that is regularly used as a drinking cup (Hull 2005:102). In K’iche’, according to Christensen (n.d.), the term mulul means a “gourd used for cup or pitcher (jícara)”. Furthermore, Edmonson notes that in K’iche’ mulul is a “jar, clay pot” (1965:75). One could object to this suggestion since the vessel type was already named as a yuk’ib, “drinking cup.” However, references to dual vessel types with yuk’ib are well attested in the Primary Standard Sequence (PSS), such as ujaay uyuk’ib, “his shallow bowl, his drinking cup” (e.g. K5466, K4925, K4378, K6055, K4684). In this case, however, the syntactic function of the vessel type is different since mul[ul] is not possessed as are u-jaay, yuk’ib, etc., which are possessed nominals whereas mul[ul] would be functioning as an adjective modifying the type of cacao. If this interpretation is correct, it could allow for a translation of ta koxoom mul[ul] kakaw as “for crested guan-cup cacao.” Moreover, it is possible that this “crested guan-cup cacao” refers to a lidded vessel bearing the image or carving of a crested guan from which this drink was imbibed. Just such vessels with molded images of beings on the lid are known to have cacao types mentioned on them, such as K5357.
- 15.
- 16.
Both sakha’ and the reduced form saka’ are common in Yukatekan sources (cf. Barrera Vásquez 1980:709).
- 17.
The two terms sakha’ and sak’a are equivalent in meaning, the latter being a variation of the former in Yukatek. The change from the non-glottal /k/ to the glottalized /k’/ is attested in other Mayan languages with the term sak. For example, in Ch’orti’, sak means “white,” but glottalized variations of this root are also found in sak’ujres, “to whiten, to bleach,” and in sak’us, “white-winged mosquito” (us = mosquito’) (Hull n.d.).
- 18.
For the Lacandon Maya, just such frothy cacao is mixed with säk ha’ in gourds and fed to the gods (McGee 1990:48).
- 19.
That this drink refers to sakha’ is confirmed by the statement of Bancroft (1886:723) that “The fermented liquor, made of maize and cacao, which was drunk by the Itzajs, was called zaca.” Landa probably also referred to sakha’ when he stated that the Maya of the Yucatan would “get from cacao a grease which resembles butter, and from this and maize they make another beverage which is very savory and highly thought of” (Tozzer 1941:90).
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Hull, K. (2010). An Epigraphic Analysis of Classic-Period Maya Foodstuffs. In: Staller, J., Carrasco, M. (eds) Pre-Columbian Foodways. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-0471-3_9
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