Abstract
Western feminist philosophies of science have pursued two critical directions in reevaluating the familiar contrast of modern with traditional societies. They have argued that women have made important contributions to pre-modern empirical knowledge of nature and social relations, and they have identified how modern ideals of scientific rationality, objectivity, and good method are shaped by a familiar stereotype of manliness. Yet there is a third strategy which is worth pursuing: interrogating the way gender stereotypes constitute the very project of the contrast between modernity and tradition.
In this third project, one can see that modern sciences and technologies become the ‘motor’ for transporting men from loyalties to their traditional social worlds into commitments to modernity and its projects, and for extracting economic and political systems from the (now labeled) private sphere of the household into the public sphere. Men and social institutions must be freed from women’s worlds. Yet from the standpoint of women’s experiences of modernity one can see that men’s modern worlds are assigned little or no responsibility for the flourishing of women’s supposedly traditional worlds. Thus modern sciences and technologies function as the one-way-only time-travel machines for externalizing men from women’s household responsibilities and excluding women from full participation in the direction and management of economic and political projects. The discussion here concludes with one suggestion – admittedly, a provocation – for research projects which can produce resources for blocking modernity’s commitments to male- and Western-supremacy. Such projects should start out conceptualizing their research designs – all of them – from the lives of women in households. Unreasonable as this may sound, it can be well-supported.
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Notes
- 1.
This essay was written in 2006. It draws on themes in Sciences From Below: Feminisms, Postcolonialities and Modernities. (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), especially in Chaps. 8 and 9.
For helpful comments on earlier drafts I thank Heidi Grasswick, Francoise Lionnet and Sharon Traweek, and audiences at the UCLA Center for the Study of Women (April 2007) and the Western Political Science Association (March 2007).
- 2.
For the latter see, for example Hessen (1970) on the fit of Newtonian projects with the economic needs of the emerging modern European society, Forman (1987) on how U.S. physics was shaped by national security needs in the World War II era, and Mirowski (2005) on the fit between three generations of U.S. philosophy of science (Dewey, Reichenbach, and Kitcher) and dominant political/economic projects of the U.S. in global politics.
- 3.
- 4.
Their work predated all but the very earliest stirrings of feminist criticisms of modernization theory.
- 5.
Of course there have been and still are traditional societies where women have little power or status. But what is surprising to Westerners is that in both the pre-modern past of Western societies and in so many other societies today this is not the case.
- 6.
A confession: my Father worked briefly in the 1920s for one of the early founders of time-budget studies (Frank Gilbreth). I still have amusing memories from several decades later of my Mother’s frustration upon returning home to discover that he had once again rearranged the kitchen appliances and furniture in order to reduce by a few seconds or so the time she spent getting from the refrigerator to the stove or the table to the sink.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
Of course we should recollect that the original modernization theorists were the great founders of sociology in the Nineteenth Century, before Freud’s theories had appeared. Moreover, the post-World War II era when modernization theory was resurrected and re-energized was an era in which formal colonial rule was beginning to end and in which the second women’s movement was about to gather steam in Europe and the U.S. The economic, political, social, and psychic pre-conditions for the rise of postcolonial and feminist criticisms of Western and male-supremacist ideals of social progress were already in place as women and soon-to-be ex-colonials began to imagine futures for themselves which had been virtually inconceivable in preceding decades.
- 10.
See, for example, the way in which an influential science studies scholar who is critical of modernity stumbles around in such a project: Latour (1993).
- 11.
This is the starting point of standpoint theory. See below.
- 12.
- 13.
Heidi Hartmann (1981) decades ago demonstrated that the time women spend in household work increases by about 9 hours per week if the household includes an adult (i.e., over 14) male, and that this is so regardless of whether the woman works outside the household, there are children in the household, or the man contributes to taking on household responsibilities. I know of no recent data which reveals improvement in such conditions.
- 14.
Nancy Folbre’s (2001) recent study argues that contemporary data shows that whomsoever has such household responsibilities will be handicapped in the public economy.
- 15.
In the past, labor was represented as locationally fixed or stable and industries traveled to take advantage of it. Hence the ‘runaway’ industries and the phenomenon of out-sourcing manufacturing parts and services. This kind of labor relation certainly continues today. Yet it is also the case that labor now travels to where the work is (Afshar and Barrientos 1999; Peterson 2003; Prugl 1999; Sassen 1998; Sparr 1994; Visvanathan et al. 1997).
- 16.
I follow the practice of feminists critically examining the lot of women in new forms of the global political economy to prefer the term ‘global restructuring’ to the more euphimistic ‘globalization.’ See the preceding note.
- 17.
I do not mean to suggest that the situations and resources available to immigrant low-paid workers are the same or equally desirable as are those available to professional women, but only that patterns of global restructuring are to be found in the organization of households and family relations no less than in economic, political, and public social relations.
- 18.
What about men? Good question. These global political economy processes creating today’s ‘new women’ also creating ‘new men.’ There have been at least some attempts to identify and understand diverse forms of transformations in masculinities, at least some of which are highly resistant to conventional male supremacist ideals (Connell 1995; Connell et al. 2005). I cannot here pursue this topic beyond noting that the field of masculinity studies needs to be as fully as possible integrated into feminist studies.
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Harding, S. (2011). Interrogating the Modernity vs. Tradition Contrast: Whose Science and Technology for Whose Social Progress?. In: Grasswick, H. (eds) Feminist Epistemology and Philosophy of Science. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-6835-5_5
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