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Nuclear Imbalance of Terror: The American Surveillance Regime and North Korea’s Nuclear Programme

  • Bruce Cumings

Abstract

There is a real crisis brewing in a place the cameras don’t go. [It is] the single most dangerous problem, the impending nuclearization of North Korea…None will sleep well with nukes in the hands of the most belligerent and paranoid regime on earth. The North Korean bomb would be controlled by either Kim Il Sung, the old and dying Great Leader, or his son and successor, Dear Leader Kim Jong Il…unpredictable, possibly psychotic, [he] would be the closest thing to Dr. Strangelove the nuclear age has seen.1

Keywords

International Atomic Energy Agency Nuclear Weapon Eastern Economic Review Nuclear Crisis International Atomic Energy Agency Inspection 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 1.
    Charles Krauthammer, ‘North Korea: The World’s Real Time Bomb’, Washington Post, November 6, 1993.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    David E. Sanger, New York Times, December 16, 1992, p. A6.Google Scholar
  3. 4.
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  4. 5.
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  5. 7.
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  6. 12.
    ‘The Next Renegade State’, Op-Ed Page, New York Times (April 10, 1991); see also New York Times, April 16, 1991. Gelb appeared to have based his article on Stanley Spector and Jacqueline Smith, ‘North Korea: The Next Nuclear Nightmare’, Arms Control Today (March 1991), pp. 8–13. Gelb’s language is very similar to that in the Spector/Smith article, without identifying this source.Google Scholar
  7. 13.
    James Wade, One Man’s Korea (Seoul: Hollym Publishers, 1967), p. 23.Google Scholar
  8. 17.
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    Peter Hayes, Pacific Powderkeg: American Nuclear Dilemmas in Korea (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1991), p. 35.Google Scholar
  10. 30.
    Samuel Cohen was a childhood friend of Herman Kahn; see Fred Kaplan, The Wizards of Armageddon (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983), p. 220.Google Scholar
  11. 33.
    Hayes (1991), pp. 94–5. A Kennedy School case study asserts (without offering the evidence) that air-launched nuclear weapons were removed one month after the ground-launched weapons. See Susan Rosegrant in collaboration with Michael D. Watkins, ‘Carrots, Sticks, and Question Marks: Negotiating the North Korean Nuclear Crisis’, (Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1995), p. 7n.Google Scholar
  12. 34.
    See President Bill Clinton’s Defense Secretary William Perry quoted to this effect in Paul Virilio, War and Cinema: The Logistics of Perception, trans. by Patrick Camiller (New York: Verso, 1989), p. 4.Google Scholar
  13. 35.
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  15. 39.
    One source estimated that in 1993 China provided 72 per cent of NK food imports, 75 per cent of oil imports, and 88 per cent of its coking coal; the North’s energy regime required 52 million metric tons of brown coal or anthracite, to provide 84 per cent of its energy needs at close to full capacity. In 1993 it produced only 29 million tons; North Korea has the capacity to refine 3.5 million metric tons of oil, but only imported 1.5 million tons in 1993. See Ed Paisley, ‘Prepared for the Worst’, Far Eastern Economic Review, February 10, 1994.Google Scholar
  16. 43.
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  17. 44.
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  18. 45.
    Perhaps Nietzsche put ‘the German view’ best: ‘ultimately [the utilitarians] all want English morality to be proved right — because this serves humanity best, or ‘the general utility’, or ‘the happiness of the greatest number’ — no, the happiness of England’. Friedrich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Vintage, 1966), p. 157.Google Scholar
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  20. 47.
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  21. 55.
    Cumings, War and Television (New York: Verso, 1992).Google Scholar
  22. 59.
    Nayan Chanda, ‘Bomb and Bombast’, Far Eastern Economic Review, February 10, 1994.Google Scholar
  23. 61.
    One source reported that a senior member of the IAEA had said that the IAEA shipped plutonium samples from North Korea to the US, ‘where they were tested for their isotopic content’. See Kenneth R. Timmerman, ‘Going Ballistic’, The New Republic (January 24, 1994), p. 14. (Timmerman called the American tests on the waste samples — which allegedly showed three separate reprocessing runs according to him, whereas Chanda says four — ‘a smoking gun’ proving that North Korea was after a bomb.)Google Scholar
  24. 66.
    See for example Fred C. Ikle, ‘Response’, The National Interest, vol. 34 (Winter 1993–94), p. 39.Google Scholar
  25. 78.
    Selig Harrison, ‘Breaking the Nuclear Impasse: the United States and North Korea’, Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, US House, November 3. 1993.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 1998

Authors and Affiliations

  • Bruce Cumings

There are no affiliations available

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