Abstract
We have seen that in 1914 Lenin arrived at the conclusion that the whole historical epoch of capitalism was dissolving in internal and international contradictions. The epoch of revolutionary transformation to inaugurate the global triumph of socialism was firmly on the agenda. These findings were the distinguishing characteristics of Leninism as an emergent ideology and were theoretically vindicated in his text, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.1 The questions that now presented themselves to Lenin was how ought socialists to restructure social, political and economic relations, and what were to be the positive content of socialism as the first genuinely human and universal form of association? Given that the international revolution for socialism was now adjudged to be imperatively necessary if humankind was to avoid a descent into barbarism, it plainly became necessary for revolutionary theory to establish, at least in outline, the principles, procedures and institutions that were to inform the construction of socialist society. There was, moreover, an immediate practical point to this task. Lenin recognised perfectly well that, in order to get the masses to act decisively, it was not enough for the revolutionaries to expose the rottenness of existing society. The withering critique of state monopoly capitalism might be sufficient to undermine the legitimacy of existing structures of power but this, of itself, would not dispose the mass of the people to act to overthrow it.
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Notes and References
CW, 22, 185–305.
CW, 22, 213.
CW, 22, 216.
CW, 25, 346.
CW, 26, 106.
CW, 26, 90–136.
N. Bukharin, ‘K teorii imperialisticheskogo gosudarstva’, Revoluitsiia Prava, Sbornik pervyi, no. 25 (Moscow, 1925) p. 30.
K. Marx ‘The Civil War in France’, in MESW, 1, 486–545. See also the even more virulently anti-statist drafts of the work published in the 1970 Peking edition, The Civil War in France.
MESW, 1, 332.
MESW, 1, 333.
MESW, 1, 519.
MESW, 1, 521.
CW, 24, 170.
In his ‘Notes in Defence of the April Theses’ Lenin made the first identification of the soviets with the Commune of Paris: ‘We must ably, carefully, clear people’s minds and lead the proletariat and poor peasants forward, away from “dual power” towards the full power of the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies, and this is the commune in Marx’s sense, in the sense of the experience of 1871’, CW, 24, 32–3.
A.J. Polan, Lenin and the End of Politics (London, 1984).
CW, 32, 274.
CW, 33, 66.
CW, 29, 559.
CW, 32,61.
CW, 28, 461.
CW, 28, 238.
L. Trotsky, Terrorism and Communism (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1961) p. 7.
N. Bukharin, Economics of the Transformation Period (New York, 1971) pp. 55–9; hereafter Bukharin, Economics.
CW, 29, 437.
CW, 29, loc. cit.
CW, 29, 431.
CW, 29, 447.
CW, 32, 62.
CW, 32, 21.
CW, 32, 505
CW, 31, 353.
CW, 31, 238.
CW, 22, 194.
CW, 28, 301.
Anweiler, p. 248.
CW, 32, 184, cf. 179.
CW, 32, 184.
CW, 32, 199.
CW, 31, 45.
See, particularly, the scrupulous account given in Service, vol. 3.
CW, 28, 268–9.
CW, 32, 504.
CW, 32, 27.
CW, 32, 86, cf. 55.
CW, 32, 495.
CW, 32, 81.
I have developed these themes in ‘The Marxist-Leninist Detour’ in J. Dunn (ed.), Democracy: The Unfinished Journey (Oxford, 1992).
CW, 32, 83.
CW, 29, 510.
CW, 32, 430.
CW, 31, 514.
CW, 31, 524–5.
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© 1996 Neil Harding
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Harding, N. (1996). Politics and the State. In: Leninism. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24775-2_7
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