Abstract
One of box-office successes of 1990 was The War of the Roses, a light-weight comedy which centred upon the battle of the sexes and the contemporary issue of divorce settlements. The ‘war’ between the eponymous Mr and Mrs Rose includes several murder attempts, the destruction of valuable possessions and turning the family dog into a dish of tasty paté. Undoubtedly, the witty allusion of the film’s title was lost upon the majority of American audiences, but the parallel it draws between sex-conflict and social disturbance — in this case the English civil wars of the fifteenth century — is strangely reminiscent of similar situations in Malory’s Morte Darthur.1 It is hardly likely that Danny DeVito, the director of The War of the Roses, found himself reading either Vinaver’s erudite or Caxton’s bowdlerised versions of Sir Thomas Malory’s romance, but he shows an awareness, albeit limited, of the way in which civil and gender disruption became united in the mid-fifteenth century, both in the cultural productions of that time and in the way in which that age is still characterised.2 At the same time, we must recognise how far twentieth-century definitions of ‘the battle of the sexes’ differ from those held by Malory and his contemporaries. The spirited attacks of Kathleen Turner and Michael Douglas, who play the Roses, pale into insignificance when compared to the assaults committed by the characters in the Morte Darthur. The following examples provide clear evidence of how violence is often condoned in the text, but they also prove conclusively that the gender stereotypes of women as passive victims and men as domineering aggressors are as little relevant to Malory’s work as they are to the twentieth-century movie.
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Notes
Eugene Vinaver (ed.) Malory: Works (Oxford, 1971); all quotations are taken from this edition and are referred to parenthetically in the chapter.
For Vinaver’s edition, see above note 1; for Caxton’s version, see James W. Spisak and William Matthews (eds.), Caxton’s Malory (Berkeley, 1983).
Trial by combat was a way in which a woman could defend her honour if she could find a champion; an example of this was referred to in Chapter 2, p. 47.
Malory of course was not the originator of the Arthurian tales which he recounts; he retells the narratives from a collection of books we assume he had access to, which include the French Mort Artu and the English Le Morte Arthur which he uses in the tale of the poisoned apple. Malory’s aside is not present in either of his sources, although in Mort Artu Sir Mador does claim the justice of the court.
Robert Henryson, ‘The Testament of Cresseid’, 1.480 in Denton Fox (ed.) The Poems of Robert Henryson (Oxford, 1981), p. 126.
For other beheadings see for example, pp. 55, 66, and 171.
Shulamith Shahar, The Fourth Estate (London, 1983), pp. 11–21.
Morgan le Fay’s role in the Morte Darthur is therefore similar to that in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight; see Chapter 2, pp. 50–2.
C.S. Lewis, The Allegory of Love (Oxford, 1936); E.T. Donaldson, Speaking of Chaucer (London, 1970), pp. 154–63; Bonnie S. Anderson and Judith P. Zinsser, A History of Their Own (London, 1988), pp. 313–16.
Debbie Cameron and Elizabeth Frazer, The Lust to Kill (Cambridge, 1987).
P.J.C. Field, ‘Sir Thomas Malory MP’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 67 (1974), pp. 24–35, and The Life and Times of Sir Thomas Malory (Cambridge, 1993).
For a similar argument, see: E.J. Burns and R.L. Kruegar, ‘Courtly Ideology and Woman’s Place in Medieval French Literature’, Romance Notes XXV (1985), p. 211.
Stephen Knight, ‘The Social Function of the Middle English Romances’ in David Aers (ed.) Medieval Literature. Criticism, Ideology and History (Brighton, 1986), pp. 88–122; and Felicity Riddy, Sir Thomas Malory (Leiden, 1987).
Stephen Knight, ‘The Social Function of the Middle English Romances’, p. 119.
Feminist criticisms on Malory available as I write are few and far between, consisting mainly of short articles, such as Geraldine Heng, ‘Enchanted Ground: The Feminine Subtext in Malory’ in Keith Busby and Erik Cooper (eds.), Courtly Literature, Culture and Contexts (Amsterdam, 1990), pp. 283–300, which interprets Malory’s women as stereotypes.
It is to be hoped that Janet Jesmok is turning her dissertation into a book: see Jesmok, “Malory’s Women”, Diss. University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee (1979).
Janet Jesmok begins her article ‘ “A Knyght Wyveles”: the young Lancelot in Malory’s Morte Darthur’, MLQ, 42 (1981), pp. 315–30, with this quotation and uses it to demonstrate how Lancelot is perfectly at ease with his knightly role of defending helpless women, but cannot understand the female characters who do not conform to this stereotype. I intend to discus Jesmok’s argument in the third section of this chapter.
John Steven, Medieval Romance (London, 1973), p. 46.
Beverly Kennedy, Knighthood in The Morte Darthur (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 38–9 and 73–5.
See note 9.
Anderson and Zinsser, A History of Their Own, pp. 161–73.
Another enchantress who is often characterised as evil is the Nenyve, but although Malory rehearses the story of how she traps Merlin within a rock he presents her action in terms of self-defence: ‘And allwayes he [Merlin] lay aboute to have hir maydynhode, and she was ever passynge wery of hym and wolde have bene delyverde of hym, for she was aferde of hym for cause he was a devyls son, and she cowde not be skyfte of hym by no meane’ (p. 77).
Jesmok, ‘A Knyght Wyveles’, pp. 318–19.
Other ambiguous sorceresses include Lynet and Nenyve, Pelleas’ lady, both of whom use magic for the benefit of the Arthurian knights.
Rosemary Morris, ‘Uther and Igerne: A Study in Uncourtly Love’, Arthurian Literature, IV (1985), pp. 70–92; see also her The Character of King Arthur in Medieval Literature (Woodbridge, 1982).
Norman Davis (ed.) The Paston Letters (Oxford, 1983), p. 20.
In my assessment of Guinevere’s character I disagree with Terence McCarthy’s account in Reading the Morte Darthur (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 121–4.
Chaucer, The Riverside Chaucer (Oxford, 1987), p. 474.
Margaret Adlum Gist, Love and War in the Middle English Romances (Philadelphia, 1947), p. 105.
Maria K. Greenwood, ‘Women in Love, or Three Courtly Heroines in Chaucer and Malory: Elaine, Criseyde and Guinevere’ in Juliette Dor (ed.) A Wyf Ther Was (Liege, 1992), p. 170. See also: P.J.C. Field, ‘Time and Elaine of Astolat’, in James W. Spisak (ed.) Studies in Malory (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985), pp. 231–6.
Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley, Calif., 1987).
For a detailed description of the everlasting beauty of female corpses, see Elisabeth Bronfen, Over Her Dead Body: Death, Femininity and the Aesthetic (Manchester, 1992).
Caroline Walker Bynum, ‘The Female Body and Religious Practice in the Later Middle Ages’, in Michel Feher (ed.) Fragments for History of the Human Body (New York, 1989), p. 174.
Launcelot is the most ‘feminine’ of all the Arthurian knights; for example, he is objectified as sexually desirable in ‘Sir Launcelot du Lake’ and cross-dresses in ‘The Tournament at Surluse’ (p. 410). These incidents are discussed by Janet Jesmok, ‘“A Knyght Wyveles”’ and Riddy, Sir Thomas Malory, pp. 103–5. At the beginning of ‘The Great Tournament’ Launcelot is wounded by a cross-dressed woman, a lady hunter, (p.643), which is perhaps a precedent for Belphoebe in The Faerie Queene. However, an image of such a huntress appears in Queen Mary’s Psalter, illus. 20 in Shahar, The Fourth Estate.
Tristram might feel a similar conflict; see Maureen Fries, ‘Indiscreet Objects of Desire: Malory’s “Tristram” and the Necessity of Deceit’, pp. 87–108.
Riddy, Sir Thomas Malory, pp. 110–11, argues that the grail-world is feminine.
Ibid., p. 143.
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© 1996 Marion Wynne-Davies
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Wynne-Davies, M. (1996). ‘Am I nat an erthely woman?’: Malory’s Morte Darthur . In: Women and Arthurian Literature. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24453-9_4
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