Abstract
In the decade that followed the election defeat of 1979, it was widely assumed that Jim Callaghan would be the last Labour Prime Minister. Mrs Thatcher’s economic record during her first adminstration was far from impressive. Her promised assault on Britain’s post-war settlement, with its attempt to shake off state collectivism and replace it with an ‘enterprise culture’, was overshadowed by a fresh recession. Two years into office unemployment was rising steadily towards three million — a figure that would have been unthinkable a decade earlier. This, together with tough penal legislation, finally helped to quell the trade union militancy of recent years, but it also led to a sharp fall in manufacturing output, with the north of England most severely hit. And yet in 1983 the Conservatives were returned to power with the second-largest majorty of seats since the war. As all the frustrations of the Wilson-Callaghan era came to the surface, Labour had destroyed any prospect it had of regaining power by engaging in protracted blood-letting. The party fared even more abysmally in 1983, on a platform reflecting the increased assertiveness of the left, than it had done in 1979. So dismal was Labour’s performance that it was seriously challenged for second place by a nascent ‘centre force’, the Liberal-Social Democratic Alliance, which made the best third party showing since the 1920s.
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Notes
D. Kogan and M. Kogan, The Battle for the Labour Party (London, 1982), pp. 68–9.
Austin Mitchell, Four Years in the Death of the Labour Party (London, 1983), p. 26.
G. L. Williams and A. L. Williams, Labour’s Decline and the Social Democrats’ Fall (London, 1989), pp. 2–6.
S. Hoggart and D. Leigh, Michael Foot. A Portrait (London, 1981), p. 2.
See also H. Drucker, ‘Changes in the Labour Party Leadership’, Parliamentary Affairs, 34 (1981), pp. 369–91.
Giles Radice MP, cited in Healey, Time of My Life, p. 484. See also J. Adams, Tony Benn, (London, 1992), pp. 407–17.
M. Crick, Militant (London, 1984), pp. 171–84. Shaw, Discipline and Discord, pp. 298–9, notes that the reassertion of managerial control was rendered difficult by various factors, such as the composition of local party membership, legal hurdles and the reluctance of many MPs to return to discredited disciplinary techniques.
J. Gyford, The Politics of Local Socialism (London, 1985), pp. 14–20.
D. Butler and D. Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1983 (London, 1984), p. 58.
G. M. F. Drover, Neil Kinnock. The Path to the Leadership (London, 1984), p. 134.
K. Laybourn, A History of British Trade Unionism c. 1770–1990 Gloucester, 1992), p. 208: union membership was to fall from over thirteen million to ten million in the decade after 1979. In the first half of the 1980s, the proportion of the workforce which was unionised fell from 57.3 per cent to 49.5 per cent.
P. Seyd, The Rise and Fall of the Labour Left (London, 1987), pp. 169 70.
G. Goodman, The Miners’ Strike (London, 1985), pp. 110–16.
See also M. Adeney and J. Lloyd, The Miners’ Strike, 1984–5. Loss without Limit (London, 1987).
C. Hughes and P. Wintour, Labour Rebuilt. The New Model Party (London, 1990), pp. 14–16.
J. D. Derbyshire and I. Derbyshire, Politics in Britain from Callaghan to Thatcher (London, 1988), pp. 152–61.
R. Tyler, Campaign (London, 1987), pp. 135–40.
I. Crewe, ‘Has the Two-Party System Returned?’, Contemporary Record, 4, 4 (1991), p. 15.
D. Butler and D. Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1987 (London, 1988), pp. 265–71.
P. Kellner, ‘Labour Adaptions since 1979’, Contemporary Record, 3, 2 (1990), pp. 13–15.
M. Wickham-Jones and D. Shell, ‘What Went Wrong? The Fall of Mrs Thatcher’, Contemporary Record, 5, 2 (1991), pp. 321–39.
Hugo Young, in The Guardian, 11 April 1992.
Hugo Young, The Guardian, 18 July 1992.
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© 1993 Kevin Jefferys
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Jefferys, K. (1993). The End of the Road?, 1979–92. In: The Labour Party since 1945. British History in Perspective. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22902-4_6
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