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Abstract

The DiP group had painted a devastating picture of Poland’ s problems and future; its concrete proposals for reform were however both moderate and vague. This was not unexpected, given the group’s semi-official status. The ‘three main lessons’ drawn in the report were the need to ‘preserve a national identity, so that the national culture can thrive unfettered’, the need to ‘develop the skills and talents of democratic co-operation, of self-government’, and the need to ‘develop the economic efficiency of society’.1

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Notes

  1. The text of the Szczecin and Gdaňsk Agreements is given in Appendix 2 of N. Ascherson, The Polish August, (London, 1981), pp. 280–295.

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  2. K. Pomian, Pologne: Défi a l’impossible, (Paris, 1982), p. 201.

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  3. Laws of 25 September 1981 on Workers’ Self-Management, and on State Enterprises, printed in P. Raina, Poland 1981, (London, 1985), pp. 396–19.

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  4. C. Barker, Festival of the Oppressed, (London, 1986), p. 134; and Raina, op. cit., p. 431, quoting a Solidarity statement of 7 December 1981.

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  5. J. Staniszkis, Poland’s Self-Limiting Revolution, (Princeton, 1984), p. 327.

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  6. J. Holzer, Solidaritat, (Munich, 1985), pp. 375, 381.

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  7. N. Davies, Heart of Europe. A Short History of Poland, (Oxford, 1984), p. 19.

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  8. A. Sulek, ‘The PUWP: from mobilisation to non-representation’, Soviet Studies, 42, 3, 1990, pp. 499–511.

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  9. See A. Smolar, ‘The Polish Opposition’, in F. Fehér and A. Arato, (eds), Crisis and Reform in Eastern Europe, (London, 1991), p. 185, and passim.

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© 1993 Ben Fowkes

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Fowkes, B. (1993). The Premature Revolution: Poland 1980–81. In: The Rise and Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22812-6_9

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