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Independence and its Consequences 1918–44

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The Making of Eastern Europe
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Abstract

Until 1918 most of the peoples of Eastern Europe had been dominated by great empires. By the end of that year all those empires had ceased to exist. In their place there arose a series of new, or geographically redefined states, founded on the principles of national liberation and constitutional democracy. The oppressed nations of the region had at last attained their long-sought liberty. Yet the sweets of victory very soon turned sour. After little more than two decades constitutional democracy had everywhere proved a failure and almost the entire region was in thrall to predatory Nazi Germany.

Upon the Breaking and Shivering of a greate State and Empire, you may be sure to have Warres. For great Empires, while they stand, do enervate and destroy the Forces of the Natives which they have subdued … and when they faile also, all goes to Ruine and they become a Prey.

Francis Bacon

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References

  1. For Wilson’s 14 Points see The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson, pp. 158–62. The reference is to point 10. The idea of converting Austria-Hungary into a federation had been mooted before the war. On the collapse of the Polish Republic in the eighteenth century, see Chapter 15.

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  2. The two most active proponents of national liberation in Eastern Europe were the journalist H. Wickham Steed (see his memoirs, Through Thirty Years, 2 vols (New York, 1924)) and the historian R. Seton Watson. See the interesting account of the tetter’s activities by his sons Hugh and Christopher (The Making of New Europe (London, 1981) in which they seek to exonerate him.

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  3. The Czecho-Slovak agreement had been concluded with the American Slovaks at Pittsburgh on 30 June 1918. A similar accord with American Ruthenes led to Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia being brought into the new state. As will be seen, the Czechs failed to keep their promises to either nationality after independence. See also n. 10 below.

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  4. See Wilson’s eleventh point, which refers to the Balkans, and the conclusion of the document.

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  5. Romania had been knocked out of the war by the Central Powers in 1916 but rejoined it at the eleventh hour, on 10 November 1918. This allowed her to invoke the Agreement. By a similar agreement Greece had been promised south-western Anatolia with Smyrna at the expense of Turkey.

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  6. The Treaty of Versailles defined the western frontiers of Poland and Czechoslovakia; that of St Germain (10 September 1919) defined Austria’s frontiers with Czechoslovakia and the new Yugoslav state; that of Trianon (4 June 1920) fixed Hungary’s frontiers with her neighbours, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania, while the Treaty of Neuilly (27 November 1919) redefined Bulgaria’s frontiers with Romania, Yugoslavia and Greece. The Treaty of Sevres (10 August 1920), however, failed to stick because of Greece’s misadventure against the Turks in attempting to secure Anatolia (see n. 5 above) and was overtaken by the Treaty of Lausanne (24 July 1923).

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  7. The great map of nationalities accompanying C. Macartney’s Hungary and her Successors (London, 1937), illustrates the fact in one sector of the region. Large-scale population movements were arranged only between Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey.

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  12. The best account of these costs, on which the following brief account is largely based, is still D. Mitrany, The Effect of the War in South-Eastern Europe (New Haven, 1936).

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  22. For a picture of the lowest stratum, the farm servants (in some respects worse off than the serfs of former ages) see G. Illyes’s fictionalized autobiography, People of the Puszta, (trans. G. Cushing) (London, 1971). However, particularly in south-western Hungary there were some comparatively prosperous peasants.

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  23. The foregoing account is based principally on A. Janos, The Politics of Backwardness in Hungary (Princeton, 1982).

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  29. The figures are drawn chiefly from G. Ranki, Economy and Foreign Policy (New York, 1983).

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  30. Generally on the resort to barter in the countryside in 1932 see Macartney, op. cit., p. 472.

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  32. The story of how Germany realized these plans is well told by Ranki, op. cit..

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  37. The text of the Slovak-German Treaty of 18–23 March 1939 in Prager Tageblatt, 24 March 1939.

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  38. See the text in The Military Negotiations between the Soviet Union, Britain and France in 1939’, International Affairs, Moscow, February 1959, pp. 119–23. Western archives corroborate the accuracy of this version.

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  39. By the end of the war there were only about 350,000 left in Romania (T. Schieder (ed.), Documents on the Expulsion of the Germans from Eastern-Central Europe, Vol. II (Bonn, 1961) p. 73) and some 200,000 in Hungary (ibid. vol. III, pp. 121f.), besides substantial communities in the Baltic countries and Slovenia. The ‘Volga Germans’, settled in Russia since the eighteenth century, were removed out of reach of the German forces.

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  40. See, among others, A. Basch, The Danube Basin and the German Economic Sphere (London, 1944). For another perspective of the problems described in this chapter see Z.A.B. Zeman, Pursued by a Bear (Oxford, 1989).

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© 1992 Philip Longworth

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Longworth, P. (1992). Independence and its Consequences 1918–44. In: The Making of Eastern Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22202-5_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22202-5_4

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