Abstract
For the Reformers and their claims to professional authority, standardized rules would only be effective if their enforcement were centralized, passing from the part-time responsibility of inexpert local magistrates to national bureaucracies, such as the Commissioners in Lunacy, the Prison Commissioners, the Poor Law Guardians and the General Medical Council. But it was precisely this centralization that caused most resistance. Opposition to Reform derived not only from the reluctance of tax- and rate-payers to finance the ‘idle’ and the inertia of vested interests in the local power structures. The insistence on centralized control by a state bureaucracy continually threatened to compromise the philanthropic rhetoric of the Reformers by raising the spectre of the French-style ‘police’ so feared by the English. Yet, it seems to me, behind their rhetoric of humane concern, the principle of surveillance was absolutely central to the Reform project. Through their strategy of statistical reports, the philanthropic social researchers had already established the principle that mastery comes from a police of information: one finds out (dis-covers) by lifting the roof of the institutional or private space (de-tecting) and looking in (in-specting).
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Notes
James Prichard, A Treatise on Lunacy, 1835. See Donnelly, p. 137.
Andrew Scull, Museums of Madness: The Social Organization of Insanity in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Allen Lane, 1979), p. 69.
Robert Gardiner Hill, Total Abolition of Personal Restraint in the Treatment of the Insane, 1839
quoted in Vieda Skultans, English Madness: Ideas on Insanity, 1580–1890 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), p. 59.
Joan Bursfield, Managing Madness: Changing Ideas and Practice (London: Hutchinson, 1986), p. 212.
Patrick Colquhon, A Treatise on the Commerce and Police of the River Thames, 1800, quoted in Radzinowicz, History of English Criminal Law and Its Administration, III, p. 143.
Colquhon, A Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis, 1796, quoted in Radzinowicz, III, p. 235.
Junius Junior [Johnson], Life in the Low Parts of Manchester (Manchester, n.d.), quoted in David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth Century Britain (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982), p. 176.
Robert D. Storch, ‘The plague of blue locusts: police reform and popular resistance in Northern England, 1840–57’ [1975], in Mike Fitzgerald et al., Crime and Society: Readings in History and Theory (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981), p. 93.
George Rudd, Criminal and Victim: Crime and Society in Early Nineteenth Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), p. 100.
Jones’ conclusion were published in the Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, XXXIII (1983), pp. 151–68.
Charles Reith, The British Police and the Democratic Ideal (London, 1943), pp. 152–8. See Radzinowicz, IV, p. 188.
Belton Cobb goes further and suggests that Mayne always intended to create such a department and was building a dossier of officers from the earliest days - see Belton Cobb, The First Detectives and the Early Career of Richard Mayne, Commissioner of Police (London: Faber & Faber, 1957), pp. 11, 50–8.
Morel, Treatise on Mental Diseases, 1860, quoted in Ian Dowbiggin, ‘Degeneration and hereditarianism in French Mental Medicine, 1840–90’, in W. F. Bynum, Roy Porter and Michael Shepherd (eds), The Anatomy of Madness: Essays in the History of Psychiatry, Vol. I (London: Tavistock, 1985), p. 206.
Rudolf Virchow, Cellular-Pathologie, 1858, quoted in Cartwright, A Social History of Medicine, p. 136.
Thomas Plint, Crime in England: its Relation, Character and Extent, 1851, quoted in William James Forsythe, The Reform of Prisoners, 1830–1900 (London: Croom Helm, 1987), p. 169.
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© 1992 Martin A. Kayman
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Kayman, M.A. (1992). Detectives. In: From Bow Street to Baker Street. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21786-1_4
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