Abstract
The persistent interest in US national security policy and the intensity of the debate revolving around it emanate from the following factors: (a) America’s predominant role in the international arena, yet its often limited ability to influence desired outcomes; (b) the West European and Japanese dependence on US protection accompanied by a reluctance to support, consistently, US policies; (c) the growing linkage of traditional security issues with domestic concerns; (d) the increasing military power and expanding influence of the USSR; (e) the perception of an increasing risk of nuclear war between the superpowers; (f) the growing global interdependence and the emergence of new security issues such as energy and economic stagnation; and (g) the evident inability of recent US administrations to formulate and execute policies that preclude and/or reduce damage to vital US global interests. The consensus is that national security policy is in a permanent state of challenge, yet few agree on the nature of the challenge and on the means and methods to meet it.
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Notes
John G. Stoessinger, Henry Kissinger: The Anguish of Power (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1976), pp. 137–38;
George W. Ball, Diplomacy for a Crowded World (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1976), pp. 155–56;
Peter W. Dickson, Kissinger and the Meaning of History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978), pp. 113–14;
Richard A. Falk, What’s Wrong with Henry Kissinger’s Foreign Policy (Princeton University, 1974), pp. 5–6;
David Landau, Kissinger: The Uses of Power (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1972), pp. 114–15;
Zbigniew Brzezinski, “Half Past Nixon,” Foreign Policy 3 (Summer 1971):3–20, “U.S. Foreign Policy: The Search for Focus,” Foreign Affairs 51 (July 1973):708–27, “The Deceptive Structure of Peace,” Foreign Policy 14 (Spring 1974):35–55, “Shifting Mood and System,” The Atlantic Community Quarterly 12 (Fall 1974):319–26, “America in a Hostile World,” Foreign Policy 23 (Summer 1976):65–96;
Stanley Hoffmann, “Choices,” Foreign Policy 12 (Fall 1973):3–42;
J. Robert Schaetzel, “Some European Questions for Dr. Kissinger,” Foreign Policy 12 (Fall 1973):66–74.
Vincent Davis, Henry Kissinger and Bureaucratic Politics Essay Series, No. 9 (Institute of International Studies, University of South Carolina, 1979).
Suetonious, “Born to Skim,” The New Republic 176 (January 1977):8;Robert Scheer, “Carter’s Man Zbig: Profound or Banal?” Los Angeles Times (January 23, 1977), pp. 24–25;Russell Watson and others, “Life at Brzezinski U,” Newsweek LXXXIX:63 (May 9, 1977); Victor Zorza, “A Man to Out-Kissinger Kissinger,” Washington Post (January 19, 1977), p. 23;
A. Stang, “Zbig Brother,” American Opinion 21 (February 1978):99;
E. Bettiga, “Jimmy Who? and Zbigniew Who?” Survey 22 (Summer/Autumn 1976):20;
Herman Nickel, “Why Zbig is Not Quite on Top of the World,” Fortune 99 (April 23, 1979):71; Ernest Conine, “Foreign Policy Under President Carter,” Los Angeles Times (August 20, 1976), p. 7;
David Butler and others, “An Exodus from Zbig,” Newsweek 93 (June 9, 1979):71; “A Hard-liner on Russia, Who Will Fill Key White House Post?” U.S. News and World Report 81 (December 27, 1976):29;
Cummings Bruce, “Chinatown: Foreign Policy and Elite Realignment,” in The Hidden Election, ed. Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), pp. 196–231.
Many of their conceptions were also a product of general life experience and upbringing, not necessarily their academic experience. Bruce Mazlish, Kissinger: The European Mind in American Policy (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1976);
Dana Ward, “Kissinger: A Psychohistory,” in Henry Kissinger: His Personality and Policies, ed. Dan Caldwell (Durham, N.C.: Duke Press Policy Studies, 1983), pp. 24–63.
Alexander L. George, “The ‘Operational Code’: A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Leaders and Decision-Making,” International Studies Quarterly 13 (June 1969):190–222. See pp. 201–5 for philosophical questions and pp. 205–16 for instrumental questions.
Ibid., pp. 216–21; and “The Causal Nexus between Cognitive Beliefs and Decision-making Behavior: The ‘Operational Code’ Belief System,” in Psychological Models in International Politics, ed. Lawrence S. Falkowski (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1979), p. 99; Also see Loch K. Johnson, “Operational Codes and the Prediction of Leadership Behavior: Senator Frank Church at Midcareer,” in A Psychological Examination of Political Leaders, eds. Margaret G. Hermann with Thomas W. Milburn (New York: The Free Press, 1977), pp. 109–13
Ole R. Holsti, “The ‘Operational Code’ Approach to the Study of Political Leaders: John Foster Dulles’ Philosophical and Instrumental Beliefs,” p. 153, Canadian Journal of Political Science 3:1 (March 1970). George, “The ‘Operational Code’,” p. 200; Harvey Starr, Henry Kissinger: Perceptions of International Politics (Lexington, KY: The University of Kentucky Press, 1984), p. 47.
Ole R. Holsti, “Foreign Policy Formation Viewed Cognitively.” In Structure of Decision, ed. Robert Axelrod (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 18–54.
Stephen R. Graubard, Kissinger: Portrait of a Mind (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1973), p. 6. In his discussion of Kissinger’s undergraduate thesis, “The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant,” Graubard observes, “Much of what he learned at Harvard was incorporated into a thesis that pretended to deal with selected philosophies of history since the eighteenth century; it was, in fact, a kind of personal testament.”
Harvey Starr, “The Kissinger Years: Studying Individuals and Foreign Policy,” International Studies Quarterly 24:4 (December 1980), p. 474, and in Henry Kissinger, p. 49.
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© 1991 Gerry Argyris Andrianopoulos
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Andrianopoulos, G.A. (1991). Introduction. In: Kissinger and Brzezinski. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21741-0_1
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