Abstract
The evolution of the Muslim League’s Lahore resolution of 1940 to become the creed of Muslim nationalism in the subcontinent coincided with unprecedented and rapid developments in the West. In Europe the Nazis were occupying one state after another, the United Kingdom was in a very precarious situation and America was moving quickly toward active involvement on the side of the Allies — forsaking her early postures of ‘neutrality’ and ‘isolationism’. Pro-British sentiments increased in the USA and Roosevelt vigorously prepared the nation for more open involvement. Japanese exploits in the Far East at the expense of the Allies made Asia the second most vital war theatre for America, which had many possessions and interests in the Pacific from Hawaii to the Philippines. In addition to these strategic interests, FDR had a sentimental attachment to China where the Americans had the largest missionary enterprise and visible economic interests.1 In such a geo-political situation, Britain and her empire in the subcontinent received prompt attention from the White House, State Department, Pentagon and other defence-related agencies. American ‘political’ interest in the subcontinent arose largely from geo-strategic factors, although other factors played some part.
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Notes
John K. Fairbank, The United States and China, 3rd ed., (Cambridge, Mass., 1972) pp. 248–9 and 306–309.
Also Paul Varg, The Making of a Myth. The United States and China, (East Lansing, 1968) p. 14; and Iftikhar H. Malik, ‘The Emergence of American Imperialism and China Policy: 1898–1913’, Strategic Studies, Summer 1983.
For a related study see Joan Hoff Wilson, American Business and Foreign Policy, 1920–1933 (Boston, 1973);
and Akira Iriye, After Imperialism: The Search for a New Order in the Far East, 1921–1931 (Cambridge, Mass., 1965).
For an intimate study see Joseph P. Lash, Eleanor and Franklin (New York, 1973).
For an exhaustive study of this early period see Earl R. Schmidt, ‘American Relations with South Asia 1900–1940’, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Pennsylvania, 1955;
and Diwakar P. Singh, American Attitudes Towards the Indian Nationalist Movement (New Delhi, 1974).
Quoted in M. S. Venkataramani and B. K. Shrivastava, Quit India. The American Response to the 1942 Struggle (New Delhi, 1979) pp. 12–13. The same source mentions the State Department’s traditional lack of interest in the subcontinent, citing the example of its ‘silence’ on V. D. Savarkar’s letter to FDR, which was not acknowledged and, when probed by Ramlal B. Bajpai, Murray commented: ‘Since no American interests appear to be involved in the subject of your discussion. I am sure you will appreciate that it would be inappropriate for the Department to comment thereon.’ Ibid.
For details see Cordell Hull, Memoirs, 2 vols (New York, 1948). He died in 1955.
Fred L. Israel, The War Diary of Breckinridge Long (Lincoln, 1963) p. 214.
Sumner Welles, The Time for Decision (New York, 1944) pp. 301–302.
Robert E. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York, 1950) p. 173.
Eleanor Roosevelt proved to be a very dynamic stateswoman with articulate opinions on contemporary issues and deeply involved in a number of internal and external issues. For her own ideas regarding the subcontinent see Eleanor Roosevelt, India and the Awakening East (New York, 1953).
For further details see Firoz Khan Noon, From Memory (London, 1966); Iftikhar H. Malik, Sikandar Hayat Khan: A Political Biography, pp. 21, 27, 30, 32, 43.
Winston Churchill, The Grand Alliance (Boston, 1950) p. 427.
Elliott Roosevelt, As He Saw It (New York, 1946) p. 25.
For the complete text of Churchill’s speech, see Maurice Gwyer and A. Appadorai (eds), Speeches and Documents on the Indian Constitution, 1921–1947 (Bombay, 1957) pp. 517–8. Also, see FRUS, 1941, vol. I, p. 367.
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© 1991 Iftikhar H. Malik
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Malik, I.H. (1991). America Encounters the Subcontinent: Bilateralism and Tripolar Diplomacy. In: US-South Asian Relations, 1940–47. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21216-3_3
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