Abstract
While the administrative and legal uniformity of British India appeared to be an impressive achievement, the increasing communal, religious, cultural and political diversities together with new educational and politico-economic prospects were producing a curious situation. In the post-1857 decades South Asian Muslims suffered from alienation and a deep sense of loss as the British held them mainly responsible for the outbreak of the revolt. The lack of manoeuvrability, with no real leadership and an almost complete absence of channels and opportunities available to the wider community, left them in a state of chaos.1 The early traditions of revivalism and resistance would need many more decades and intellects to regenerate a dynamic sense of self-preservation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Syed Ameer Ali tried to reconcile the Muslims to the new realities by stressing ‘adjustment’ to rather than ‘rejection’ of western ideas and institutions.2 But it was not until a generation after them and ‘the founding fathers’ of the Indian National Congress (INC) that a new leaf was turned which enabled the All-India Muslim League (AIML) to emerge in Dacca in 1906.3
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Notes
For a contemporary British account see, W. W. Hunter, Our Indian Musulmans: Are They Bound in Conscience to Rebel against the Queen? (London, 1871);
also Ram Gopal, Indian Muslims: A Political History (1858–1947) (Lahore, 1947)
and S. M. Ikram, Modern Muslim India and the Birth of Pakistan (Lahore, 1970). K. M. Panikkar believed that the nineteenth century was a ‘period of extreme Muslim depression’ when they witnessed the complete annihilation of their Sharia and their political power. ‘The alliance of Hindu merchants with the Company which gave Bengal to the British, still continued as the Hindus had not yet come to be identified with seditionists. Placed on a footing of equality, Hinduism had already begun to show signs of a great revival. Islam had to find a new policy or perish.’
K. M. Panikkar, A Survey of Indian History (Bombay, 1956) pp. 227–8. In the post-1857 era, the British viewed the Muslims with suspicion and fear, believing that the former rulers of South Asia would never accept the loss of their political power and particularly the Muslim aristocracy which was then considered to be the most depraved segment in the society. ‘The most bitter and widespread hostility was reserved for the Muslim community. Almost universally they were regarded as the fomenters of the revolt and its chief beneficiaries … In the British view, it was Muslim intrigue and Muslim leadership that converted a sepoy mutiny into a political conspiracy aimed at the extinction of the British Raj. The British were also convinced that the Muslim community, though fewer in numbers, was far more hostile throughout the course of uprising.’
Thomas R. Metcalf, The Aftermath of Revolt. India, 1857–1870 (Princeton, 1964) p. 298.
See G. F. I. Graham, The Life and Work of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (Karachi, 1974);
Muhammad Yusuf Abbasi, Muslim Politics and Leadership in South Asia 1876–92 (Islamabad, 1981)
and K. K. Aziz (ed.), Ameer Ali: His Life and Work (Lahore, 1968).
For a detailed study of the All-India Muslim League see A. B. Rajput, Muslim League: Yesterday and Today (Lahore, 1948)
and Lal Bahadur, The Muslim League (Agra, 1954).
On the early career of the Quaid-i-Azam see Riaz Ahmad, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah: The Formative Years, 1892–1920 (Islamabad, 1986),
and Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan (Los Angeles, 1984).
Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad (ed.), Some Recent Speeches and Writings of Mr. Jinnah, vol. I (Lahore, 1952) p. 96.
A. H. Dani, A Short History of Pakistan (Karachi, 1984).
To pursue the argument further see, I. H. Qureshi, The Struggle For Pakistan (Karachi, 1982) pp. 1–21.
I. H. Qureshi, The Muslim Community of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent (The Hague, 1962) p. 61. For a very convincing intellectual work see,
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment (Lahore, 1964) and Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan (Lahore, 1967).
It was suggested first by Allama Iqbal at Allahabad Session of the Muslim League in his presidential address in 1930, and was further propounded by a number of young Muslim intellectuals both in the subcontinent and Britain. Shamloo, Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (Lahore, 1948);
C. Rahmat Ali, Now or Never (Cambridge, 1933) and The Millat and Menace of ‘Indianisme’ (Cambridge, 1940);
and Sarfaraz Hussain Mirza (ed.), Tasawwur-i-Pakistan Say Qarardad-i-Pakistan Tak (Lahore, 1983).
Norman G. Barrier, The Punjab Alienation of Land Bill of 1900 (Durham, 1900);
Malcolm Darling, The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt (Lahore, 1925);
and P. M. H. van Dungen, The Punjab Tradition (Lahore, 1972).
For a recent work on the Unionist Party see, Iftikhar H. Malik, Sikandar Hayat Khan: A Political Biography (Islamabad, 1985) and ‘The Punjab Politics and the Ascendancy of the Unionist Party: 1924–1936’, Pakistan fournal of Social Sciences, Islamabad (July-December, 1980) pp. 102–121.
This is a rather new but intriguing thesis. See Paul Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in North India (London, 1974).
Harijan, 6 April 1940; also D. G. Tendulkar, Mahatma (Delhi, 1962) pp. 269–70.
B. R. Ambedkar, Thoughts on Pakistan (Bombay, 1941) pp. 242–3.
See I. H. Qureshi, The Struggle for Pakistan, pp. 138–315; also Waheed-uz-Zaman, Towards Pakistan (Lahore, 1964).
K. K. Aziz, The Making of Pakistan: A Study in Nationalism (Islamabad, 1977) p. 85.
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© 1991 Iftikhar H. Malik
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Malik, I.H. (1991). The Pakistan Movement: A Prologue. In: US-South Asian Relations, 1940–47. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21216-3_1
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