Abstract
Crisis, crisis management and the relationship between force and bargaining, have been exhaustively studied in the literature of international relations. Much of the theoretical analysis of the dynamics of crisis, and the strength of the evidence from case studies, argues that miscalculation by decision-makers is common and that resort to force always threatens to develop a momentum which political leaders will find difficult if not impossible to control. From this perspective crises are defined as highly unstable states hovering between peace and war, while crisis management is regarded as a monumentally difficult task whose prospects of maintaining peace are severely constrained by the structure of the crisis and the stressful impact it has upon decision-making. The Falklands example confirms these arguments and provides yet another illustration of the power of the logic of conflict. There was little in the episode which would have surprised students of bargaining like Schelling or Young,1 or analysts of the classic communication problems involved in international relations, such as Iklé, Wholstetter and Jervis.2 A great deal of this literature, however, is concerned with superpower relations and the nuclear environment, and some of it makes quite unwarranted assumptions about the decision-maker’s capacity to control the use of force.3
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Notes
Thomas C. Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict (London: Oxford University Press, 1963); and Arms and Influence (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966).
O. Young, The Politics of Force: bargaining during international crisis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968). 123. Hastings and Jenkins, op. cit., p. 49; and
Joan Pearce, ‘The Falkland Islands Negotiations 1965–82’, in The Chatham House Special, The Falkland Islands Dispute. International Dimensions (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1982) pp. 3–4.
Charles Iklé, How Nations Negotiate (New York: Harper and Row, 1964);
Roberta Wholstetter, Pearl Harbor (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962);
Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976).
See, for example, Herman Kahn, On Escalation: Metaphors and Scenarios (New York: Pall Mall 1965).
P. Williams, Crisis Management (London: Martin Robertson, 1976).
Philip Williams, ‘Miscalculation, Crisis Management and the Falklands’, World Today (April 1983) pp. 144–9.
For two studies of brinkmanship see R. N. Lebow, Between Peace and War: The Nature of International Crisis (London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), especially pp. 61–82; and
S. Maxwell, Rationality in Deterrence (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Paper, No. 50, 1968).
Glenn Snyder, ‘Crisis Bargaining’ in C. F. Hermann (ed.), International Crises: Insights from Behavioral Research (New York: Free Press, 1972), p. 241.
Irving L. Janis and Leon Mann, Decision Making: A Psychological Analysis of Conflict, Choice and Commitment (New York: The Free Press, 1977). See also Lebow, Between Peace and War; and ‘Miscalculation in the South Atlantic’.
Ibid., pp. 13–14. For further details see Janice Stein, ‘Intelligence and “Stupidity” Reconsidered: Estimation and Decision in Israel 1973’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 3 (September 1980); and Avraham Shlaim, ‘Failures in National Intelligence Estimates: The Case of the Yom Kippur War’, World Politics (1976) pp. 348–80.
O. R. Cardosos, R. Kirschbaum and E. Van der Kooy, Malvinas: La Trauma Secreta (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana/Planeta, 11th edition, January 1984).
Robert L. Scheira, ‘The Malvinas Campaign’, United States Naval Institute Proceedings (1983); and ‘Where were those Argentine Subs?’, United States Naval Institute Proceedings (1984).
Sir Nicholas Henderson, ‘America and the Falklands. Case Study in the Behaviour of an Ally’, The Economist (12 November 1982), p. 53.
One of the principal arguments of the MP whose constant questioning helped to expose much of the Belgrano affair. See, for example, Tam Dalyell, One Man’s Falklands (London: Cecil Woolf, 1982); and Thatcher’s Torpedo: The Sinking of the Belgrano (London: Cecil Woolf, 1983).
In particular the argument presented in Lucinda Broadbent et al., War and Peace News (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1985, The Glasgow University Media Group).
On defence and public opinion in Britain see D. Capitanchik, ‘Public Opinion and Popular Attitudes Towards Defence’, in J. Baylis (ed.), British Defence Policy in a Changing World; and D. Capitanchik and R. C. Eichenberg, Defence and Public Opinion (London: Routledge for RIIA, Chatham House Paper No. 20, 1983).
House of Commons First Report from the Defence Committee Session 1982–83. The Handling of Press and Public Information During the Falklands Conflict, HC 17, Volumes I and II; especially the evidence contained in Volume II. In addition see also Robert Fox, Eyewitness Falklands (London: Methuen, 1982);
Robert Harris, Gotcha! The Media, The Government and the Falklands Crisis (London: Faber and Faber, 1983). Lucinda Broadbent. et al., War and Peace News.
For an analysis of the 1983 Election see D. Butler and D. Kavanagh, The British General Election of 1983 (London: Macmillan, 1984).
See Gotcha!; and HC 17–1 and II for details. See also W. Miller, Testing the power of a media concensus: A Comparison of Scots and English Treatment of the Falklands Campaign (Glasgow: Strathclyde Papers on Government and Politics No. 17, University of Strathclyde, 1983).
One of which has recently been published; see Valerie Adams, The Media and the Falklands Campaign (London: Macmillan, 1986).
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© 1989 G. M. Dillon
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Dillon, G.M. (1989). The Structure of the Crisis. In: The Falklands, Politics and War. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19724-8_4
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