Abstract
The beginnings of the 1970s marked a distinct hiatus in the history of the West German protest movements: the APO was to all intents and purposes defunct and the student movement ebbing, the peace movement seemed in abeyance as a campaigning force, and the women’s movement was as yet barely more than a dot on the political horizon. Also, the installation of an SPD/FDP coalition government committed to détente abroad and social reform at home no doubt nourished the hope that parliament might show itself more receptive to the aspirations and concerns of all individuals and groups whose protesting voices had hitherto been dismissed by those in power. And yet, for all that, the early 1970s was a period of intense extra-parliamentary activity, for it witnessed the growth — unparalleled in Europe either at the time or since — of what came to be known as Bürgerinitiativen (citizens’ initiatives). This was the term applied to ‘spontaneous, loosely organised association of citizens, normally in existence for a limited period of time only, who, directly affected by a specific issue, intercede outside the traditional institutions and participatory forms of representative party democracy and who seek, either by way of self-help or by way of influencing public opinion and exercising political pressure, to prompt action on the part of the authorities with regard to the citizens’ particular concern’.1
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Notes and References
B. Guggenberger, Bürgerinitiativen in der Parteiendemokratie (Stuttgart/Berlin/Cologne/Mainz, 1980) pp. 18/9.
K. Sontheimer, ‘Bürgerinitiativen — Versuch einer Begriffsbestimmung’, in Bürgerinitiativen und repräsentatives System, ed. B. Guggenberger and U. Kempf (Opladen, 2nd edn 1984) p.97.
O. Negt, Politik als Protest (Frankfurt, 1971) p. 174.
Cited by R. Roth in ‘Notizen zur politischen Geschichte der Bürgerinitiativen in der Bundesrepublik’, in Parlamentarisches Ritual und politische Alternativen, ed. R. Roth (Frankfurt/New York, 1980) p. 82.
Sontheimer, ‘Bürgerinitiativen’ p. 99.
Cf. the figures (given by the Umweltbundesamt for 1980) of over five million West German citizens organised in 11 468 regional and national environmentalist groupings (cited in G. Langguth, Protestbewegung, Entwicklung, Niedergang, Renaissance, Die Neue Linke seit 1968 (Cologne, 1983) p. 262).
Cf. A. Pelinka, Bürgerinitiativen — gefährlich oder notwendig? (Freiburg/Würzburg, 1978) p. 53.
C. Offe, Strukturprobleme des kapitalistischen Staates (Frankfurt, 1972) pp. 161/2.
S. Haffner, ‘Die neue Sensibilität des Bürgers’, in Guggenberger and Kempf (eds), Bürgerinitiativen und repräsentatives System, p. 93.
For a summary of the empirical studies on Bürgerinitiativen conducted in the 1970s, see W. Rüdig, ‘Bürgerinitiativen im Umweltschutz. Eine Bestandsaufmahme der empirischen Befunde’, in Bürgerinitiativen in der Gesellschaft, ed. V. Hauff (Villingen-Schwenningen, 1980) pp. 119–84 and U. Kempf, ‘Bürgerinitiativen — Der empirische Befund’, in Guggenberger and Kempf (eds), Bürgerinitiativen und repräsentatives System, pp. 295–317.
P. Mayer-Tasch, Die Bürgerinitiativenbewegung (Reinbek, 1976) p. 129.
Cf. the discussion in Die Bürgerinitiativenbewegung, pp. 145–204.
Figures given in P. von Kodolitsch, ‘Effizienzsteigerung oder Systemüberwindung — zur empirischen Erfolgsbilanz der Bürgerinitiativen’, in Guggenberger and Kempf (eds), Bürgerinitiativen und repräsentatives System, pp. 318 — 32.
See M. Müller, ‘Bürgerinitiativen in der politischen Willenbildung’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 11 (19 March 1983) p. 37.
von Kodolitsch, ‘Effizienzsteigerung oder Systemüberwindung zur empirischen Erfolgsbilanz der Bürgerinitiativen’, p. 318.
The results of the survey are reproduced and analysed in P. von Kodolitsch, ‘Gemeindeverwaltungen und Bürgerinitiativen. Ergebnisse einer Umfrage’, Archiv für Kommunalwissenschaften (1975) p. 274.
See W. Beywl and H. Brombach, ‘Neue Selbstorganisationen. Zwischen kultureller Autonomie und politischer Vereinnahmung’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 11 (17 March 1984) pp. 15–29.
See L. Doormann, ‘Schulreform durch Elterninitiativen?’, Vorgänge, Vol. 16, No. 27 (March 1977) pp. 94–100.
For detailed accounts of the squats in Frankfurt and West Berlin see, respectively, T. Schultz, ‘Hausbesetzungen im Westend — eine Bürgerinitiative?’, in Bürgerinitiativen. Schritte zur Veränderung!, ed. H. Grossman (Frankfurt, 1972) pp. 138–51 and J. Scheer and J. Espert, Deutschland, Deutschland, alles ist vorbei (Munich, 1982) pp. 22–32. See also Hausbesetzer, ed. S. Aust and S. Rosenbladt (Hamburg, 1981).
Extracts of the report were reproduced in Frankfurter Rundschau, 16 April 1981.
G. Breit and H. Harms, ‘Hausbesetzungen’, Gegenwartskunde, No. 4 (1981) p. 534.
The results of the survey were reproduced in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 10 July 1981.
Quoted in Scheer and Espert, Deutschland, Deutschland, alles ist vorbei p. 26.
Cf. K. Dyson, ‘Left-Wing Political Extremism and the Problem of Tolerance in Western Germany’, Government and Opposition, (Summer 1975) pp. 306–31. See also Extremisten und öffentlicher Dienst, ed. E.-W. Böckenförde et al., (Baden-Baden, 1982), a comparative study of twelve European countries which demonstrates that the legal machinery in West Germany has reached a degree of ‘perfection’ not apparent elsewhere.
Quoted in Frankfurter Rundschau (31 January 1978).
W.-D. Narr, ‘Threats to Constitutional Freedom in West Germany’, New German Critique, No. 8 (1976) p. 40.
P. Glotz, Die Innenausstattung der Macht (Frankfurt, 1981) p. 248.
Quoted in Süddeutsche Zeitung (26 June 1985).
D. Pallister, ‘Big Brother arrived yesterday’, Guardian, 24 April 1980; cf. the Spiegel publication, Der Weg in den Überwachungsstaat, ed. J Bölsche (Reinbek, 1979).
Münchner Merkur, 6 April 1983.
International Herald Tribune, 14 April 1983.
Der Spiegel, 18 April 1983.
Friedrich Zimmermann, quoted in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (6 April 1983).
Figures published in Spandauer Volksblatt, 6 Feburary 1982.
In 1974, for example, 41 per cent of those questioned designated environmental protection as a ‘very important’ topic. In 1977 59 per cent did so and in 1979 the figure was 90 per cent (cf. M. and S. Greiffenhagen, Ein schwieriges Vaterland (Frankfurt, 2nd edn 1981) p. 405).
E. Papadakis, The Green Movement in West Germany (London/ Canberra, 1984) pp. 30–43; for an historical elaboration of this thesis see U. Linse, Ökopax und Anarchie (Munich, 1984).
Cf. R. Inglehart, The Silent Revolution. Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton, 1977).
First coined in Germany by Robert Jungk, the phrase was popularised by Erhard Eppler, initially in his article, ‘Die Qualität des Lebens’, Süddeutsche Zeitung (20 April 1972).
Stuttgarter Nachrichten, 29 September 1977; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 26 November 1982.
Forderungskatalog für ein Öko-Konzept in der BRD, ed. BBU (Karlsruhe, 1979), reproduced in Frankfurter Rundschau (4/5 July 1979).
Cf. J.M. Leinen, ‘Die Bürgerinitiativen nach der Bundestagswahl’, Die Neue Gesellschaft, Vol. 30, No. 4 (1983) pp. 307–13.
Quoted in Der Spiegel (13 May 1985).
Ibid.
tageszeitung, 12 April 1984.
Die Zeit, 19 October 1985
Statistics reproduced in G. Haaf et al., ‘... und weiter sterben die Wälder’, Die Zeit (19 October 1984), pp. 17–21.
Umweltbundesamt, Daten zur Umwelt 1984 (Berlin, 1985) reproduced in B. Dost, Ein Land erstickt (Munich, 1985) p. 73.
The campaign at Wyhl spawned a considerable body of documentary and critical literature. See, for example, H.-H. Wüstenhagen, Bürger gegen Kernkraftwerke (Reinbek, 1975); Lieber heute aktiv als morgen radioaktiv, ed. N. Gladitz (Berlin, 1976); W. Sternstein, Überall ist Wyhl (Frankfurt, 1978); D. Rucht, Von Wyhl nach Gorleben (Munich, 1980).
Cf. Der Spiegel, 30 December 1985.
W. Sternstein, ‘Das Beispiel Wyhl’, Vorgänge, Vol. 16, No. 27 (1977) p. 81.
See G. Trautmann, ‘Defizitärer Planungsstaat und politische Legitimität — Der Fall Brokdorf’, in Guggenberger and Kempf (eds), Bürgerinitiativen und repräsentatives System, (1st edn, 1978), pp. 309–66.
Cited in D. Stacker, ‘Brokdorf und die Staatsgewalt’, Vorgänge, Vol. 16, No. 27 (1977) p. 86.
Handelsblatt, 16 February 1977.
Cf. the discussion of these polls in Papadakis, The Green Movement in West Germany, p. 69.
See R. Jungk, Der Atomstaat (Reinbek, 1979).
See G. Zint, Republik Freies Wendland — Eine Dokumentation (Frankfurt, 1980).
Cf. the EMNID poll, published in Der Spiegel (12 May 1986), which found that 69 per cent of those questioned were against the construction of further nuclear power stations.
K.-W. Brand, D. Büsser and D. Rucht, Aufbruch in eine andere Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1984) pp. 92–102.
Cf. the various surveys discussed in Guggenberger, Bürgerinitiativen in der Parteiendemokratie, p. 80; Kempf, ‘Bürgerinitiativen — Der empirische Befund’, p. 307; von Kodolitsch, ‘Effizienzsteigerung oder Systemüberwindung. Zur empirischen Erfolgsbilanz der Bürgerinitiativen’, p. 323.
Pelinka, Bürgerinitiativen — gefährlich oder notwendig?, p. 64.
Cf. Offe, Strukturprobleme des kapitalistischen Staates, p. 163.
G. Spörl, ‘Protest verhindert wenig, doch verändert vieles’, Die Zeit, 20 April 1984.
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© 1988 Rob Burns and Wilfried van der Will
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Burns, R., van der Will, W. (1988). Citizens’ Initiatives: Grassroots Democracy and the Growth of Environmentalism in the 1970s and 1980s. In: Protest and Democracy in West Germany. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19521-3_6
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