Skip to main content

The Parties in Transition, 1903–22

  • Chapter
British Political Parties
  • 25 Accesses

Abstract

In May 1903 Joseph Chamberlain made a speech in Birmingham calling for the end of free trade in the interest of consolidating the British Empire. The speech was a great sensation and it opened up a wide split in the Conservative Party. In the same year, Captain Middleton, the guiding force behind the Conservative Party organisation since the 1880s, retired. The party was to suffer three consecutive defeats in general elections and would not win an election independently of other parties until 1922. In February 1903 the ‘Newcastle Resolution’ passed at the Labour Party conference stated that members of the party should not identify themselves with or forward the interests of the Conservative and Liberal Parties. Yet in the same year a secret agreement with the Liberals was a recognition that the Labour Party, for all its independence, would need the co-operation of the Liberal Party to return members to the House of Commons. In January 1906 the Liberal Party scored one of the greatest electoral triumphs in modern times.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes to Chapter 3

  1. See P. Cain, ‘Political Economy in Edwardian England: The “Tariff Reform Controversy” ’, in The Edwardian Age: Conflict and Stability, 1900–1914, ed. A. O’Day (London: Macmillan, 1979) p. 52.

    Google Scholar 

  2. First set of figures from J. Ramsden, The Age of Balfour and Baldwin, 1902–1940 (London: Longman, 1979) p. 15;

    Google Scholar 

  3. the second set of figures from N. Blewett, ‘Free Fooders, Balfourites, Whole Hoggers: Factionalism Within the Unionist Party, 1906–10’, Historical Journal, vol. XI, no. 1, 1968, p. 96.

    Google Scholar 

  4. See also A. Sykes, Tariff Reform in British Politics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979).

    Google Scholar 

  5. See A. K. Russell, The Liberal Landslide (Newton Abbot: David & Charles, 1973) pp. 172–82.

    Google Scholar 

  6. There is some conflict on how much the war was to the Conservative Party’s advantage. T. Wilson, The Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1914–35 (London: Collins, 1966) p. 28, represents the view that the party gained from the war. Ramsden, p. 110, offers some qualifications.

    Google Scholar 

  7. For a discussion of the various motives behind the ‘fusion’ moves, see K. O. Morgan, Consensus and Unity: The Lloyd George Coalition Government, 1918–1922 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979) pp. 174–91.

    Google Scholar 

  8. Quoted in K. Middlemas and J. Barnes, Baldwin (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969) p. 123.

    Google Scholar 

  9. R. T. McKenzie, British Political Parties, 2nd edn (London: Heinemann, 1963) p. 29.

    Google Scholar 

  10. See Russell, pp. 51–63, for comments on the 1906 election; and N. Blewett, The Peers, the Parties and the People (London: Macmillan, 1972) pp. 266–76, for comments on the state of the party organisation in the 1910 elections.

    Google Scholar 

  11. For details of the agreement and discussion of events leading up to it, see F. Bealey and H. Pelling, Labour and Politics, 1900–1906 (London: Macmillan, 1958) ch. 6.

    Google Scholar 

  12. See A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965) pp. 114–15, for the argument that a separate political fund necessitated by the 1913 Act, far from harming the Labour Party, guaranteed it a regular income from the unions and increased the amount received from that source.

    Google Scholar 

  13. See Blewett, pp. 234–65. Also R. I. McKibbin, ‘James Ramsay McDonald and the Problem of the Independence of the Labour Party 1910–14’, Journal of Modern History, vol. 42, no. 2, 1970, pp. 216–235.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  14. See R. Douglas, ‘Labour in Decline’, in Essays in Anti-Labour History, ed. K. D. Brown (London: Macmillan, 1974) pp. 105–25.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  15. See R. McKibbin, The Evolution of the Labour Party, 1910–1924 (Oxford University Press, 1974) pp. 20–8.

    Google Scholar 

  16. For local election results, see C. Cook, ‘Labour and the Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1906–14’, in Crisis and Controversy: Essays in Honour of A. J. P. Taylor, ed. A. Sked and C. Cook (London: Macmillan, 1976) pp. 38–65.

    Google Scholar 

  17. D. Butler and A. Sloman, British Political Facts, 1900–79 (London: Macmillan, 1980) p. 142.

    Google Scholar 

  18. Quoted in D. Marquand, Ramsay MacDonald (London: Cape, 1977) p. 88.

    Google Scholar 

  19. K. O. Morgan, Keir Hardie (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975) p. 289.

    Google Scholar 

  20. McKibbin, p. 247. See also S. Beer, Modem British Politics, 2nd edn (London: Faber, 1969) pp. 137–52.

    Google Scholar 

  21. M. Pugh, The Making of Modern British Politics 1867–1939 (London: Blackwell) p. 152, disputes the claim of a possible Conservative victory in 1915.

    Google Scholar 

  22. For different views of the crisis, see ibid, pp. 65–97; Taylor, pp. 64–70; and C. Hazlehurst, ‘The Conspiracy Myth’, in Lloyd George, ed. M. Gilbert (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968) pp. 148–57.

    Google Scholar 

  23. See also E. David, ‘The Liberal Party Divided, 1916–18’, Historical Journal vol. XIII, no. 3, 1970, pp. 509–33.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  24. P. Thompson, Socialists, Liberals and Labour: The Struggle for London, 1885–1914 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967) pp. 176–9.

    Google Scholar 

  25. For a discussion of these social and economic themes of the ‘new liberalism’, see H. V. Emy, Liberals, Radicals and Social Politics 1892–1914 (Cambridge University Press, 1973);

    Book  Google Scholar 

  26. P. F. Clarke, Lancashire and the New Liberalism (Cambridge University Press, 1971); and

    Book  Google Scholar 

  27. M. Freeden, The New Liberalism (Oxford University Press, 1978), who states that ‘Liberalism was by 1906 intellectually better equipped than any other ideological force to handle the pressing social problems that had at last secured the political limelight’ (p. 255).

    Google Scholar 

  28. M. Petter, ‘The Progressive Alliance’, History, vol. 58, 1973, p. 58. Freeden, p. 148, echoes the view that ‘the majority of the Liberal Party did not and could not keep up with the developments in Liberal thought’.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  29. G. Dangerfield, The Strange Death of Liberal England (London: Paladin, 1966) p. 75.

    Google Scholar 

  30. H. Pelling, Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian Britain, 2nd edn (London: Macmillan, 1979) p. 120.

    Google Scholar 

  31. P. F. Clarke, ‘The Electoral Position of the Liberal and Labour Parties 1910–14’, English Historical Review, vol. 90, no. 358, October 1975. For support of these arguments, see also Douglas, ‘Labour in Decline’, pp. 105–25.

    Google Scholar 

  32. For a hostile comment on Clarke’s thesis, see J. White, ‘A Panegyric on Edwardian Liberalism’, Journal of British Studies, vol. 16, 1977, pp. 143–53, particularly for the comment on p. 51: ‘It was not “the war” but the political response to the war that was decisive, and in the crucial moment Progressivism was found wanting.’

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Copyright information

© 1987 Alan R. Ball

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Ball, A.R. (1987). The Parties in Transition, 1903–22. In: British Political Parties. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18725-6_4

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics