By January 1857 the ‘agitation against the income tax was growing and becoming loud’.1 Cornewall Lewis warned cabinet colleagues that there was ‘nothing the country would dislike so much as keeping up high taxation’, and that it was ‘hatred of high income tax which [would] animate the people’.2 During January Cornewall Lewis required ‘extravagant’3 ministers to reduce their departmental estimates enabling him to propose a lower rate of income tax such as would ‘satisfy the House and the public’.4 Gladstone ‘was reported to be overflowing with economical venom, and Aberdeen admitted to Argyll that Graham meant to do all the mischief he could’.5 Russell’s ‘hostility to the government seem[ed] to be pretty well known’, and ‘[h]is arrival [was] regarded with apprehension’.6 In private Lord Grey declared his intention to make the Persian question ‘his great “cheval de bataille”’.7 Clarendon anxiously noted that ‘Persia, Naples and China [stood] in awful array next to each other’ promising to ‘give rise to never ending debates’.8


Liberal Party Conservative Party Government Majority Manchester School Reform Bill 
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  1. 3.
    Duke of Argyll, George Douglas, 8th Duke of Argyll: Autobiography and Memoirs Resolution: Global (London, 1906) II, p. 72.Google Scholar
  2. 5.
    Clarendon to his wife, 2 February 1857, cited in Sir H. Maxwell, The Life and Letters of the Fourth Earl of Clarendon Resolution: Global (London, 1913) II, p. 138. See also, Aberdeen to Graham, 31 January 1857, Graham Mss. Bundle 131.Google Scholar
  3. 9.
    Dallas to Cass, 3 February 1857, cited in G. M. Dallas, Letters from London, 1856–1860, (London, 1870) I, p. 140.Google Scholar
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    Lord Malmesbury, Memoirs of an Ex-Minister Resolution: Global (London, 1885) II, p. 58.Google Scholar
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    Malmesbury, Memoirs, II, p. 58. For a discussion of this diplomatic initiative that proved politically disappointing for Disraeli, see W. F. Monypenny and G. E. Buckle, The Life of Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield Resolution: Global (London, 1910–20) IV, pp. 64–9; and R. Blake, Disraeli (London, 1966) pp. 370–3.Google Scholar
  6. 23.
    Greville Diary, 11 February 1857, Greville Mss. 41122, cited in C. C. F. Greville The Greville Memoirs, H. Reeve (ed.) Resolution: Global (London, 1888) VIII, p. 86.Google Scholar
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    Malmesbury, Memoirs, II, p. 59. See also, W. D. Jones, Lord Derby and Victorian Conservatism, (Oxford, 1956) p 216.Google Scholar
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    Gladstone Diary, 6 March 1857, cited in Gladstone Diaries, V, p. 203. See also, Gladstone memo, 6 March 1857, Gladstone Mss. 44747, fol. 14; and Stanley Diary, 6 March 1857, Stanley Mss. 920 DER (15) 46/1, cited in J. Vincent (ed.) Disraeli, Derby and the Conservative Party Resolution: Global (Hassocks, 1978) p. 149–50.Google Scholar
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    See F. W. S. Craig, British Parliamentary Election Results, 1832–1855 Resolution: Global (London, 1978) pp. 621–4. Apart from the local press, two studies are indispensible for this election, J. K. Glynn, ‘The Private Member of Parliament, 1833 to 1868’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1949; and R. G. Watt ‘Parties and Politics in Mid-Victorian Britain, 1857–1859: A Study in Quantification’ unpublished PhD thesis, University of Minnesota, 1975, pp. 32–97. Both dispell the myth of a Palmerstonian triumph.Google Scholar
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    See Watt, ‘Parties and Politics’, p. 54. Roebuck, who had voted with Cobden, swept to an easy victory at Sheffield, as did Graham at Carlisle. Religion dominated the elections at Aylesbury, Windsor, Bodmin and Middlesex. Reform was prominent at Shrewsbury, Harwich and the City of London. The weaknesses and strengths of local organisations were crucial factors at Manchester and Bristol. Personalities dominated in Tewkesbury and Coventry, while there were also pocket boroughs such as Dartmouth, Newark and North Nottingham. See Watt, ‘Parties and Politics’, pp. 54–92. For the revival of aristocratic influence in north Lancashire after 1857, see D. Foster, ‘The Politics of Uncontested Elections: North Lancashire 1832–1865’, Northern History, 13 (1977) pp. 232–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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    See K. T. Hoppen, Elections, Politics and Society in Ireland 1832–1885 Resolution: Global (Oxford, 1984); and K. T. Hoppen, ‘National Politics and Local Realities in Mid-Nineteenth Century Ireland’, in A. Cosgrove and D. McCartney, Studies in Irish History: Presented to R. Dudley Edwards (Dublin, 1979) pp. 190–227.Google Scholar
  14. 154.
    Palmerston to Granville, 24 March 1857, Granville Mss. PRO 30/29/19/22, fol. 13, cited in H. C. F. Bell, Lord Palmerston Resolution: Global (London, 1936) II, p. 170.Google Scholar
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    Granville to Canning, 8 April 1857, Granville Mss. PRO 30/29/21/2, fol. 11, cited in Lord E. Fitzmaurice, The Life of Granville George Leveson-Gower, Second Earl Granville, K.G. (London, 1905) I, pp. 227–30.Google Scholar
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    Newcastle to Hayward, 10 April 1857, Newcastle Mss. NeC12369, cited in H. E. Carlisle (ed.) Selections from the Correspondence of Abraham Hayward (London, 1886) I, pp. 312–13.Google Scholar
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    Ibid. See also, J. Prest, Lord John Russell Resolution: Global (London, 1972) p. 380.Google Scholar
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  19. W. D. Jones and A. B. Erickson, The Peelites (Iowa, 1973) pp. 201–5.Google Scholar
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    Cobden to Graham, 16 March 1857, cited in C. S. Parker, Life and Letters of Sir James Graham, Second Baronet of Netherby (London, 1907) II, p. 303.Google Scholar
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    Cobden to Lindsay, 7 April 1857, cited in John Morley, The Life of Richard Cobden (London, 1879) II, p. 662. See also, Cobden to Hargreaves, 7 April 1857, Cobden Mss. 43655, fol. 57.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Angus Hawkins 1987

Authors and Affiliations

  • Angus Hawkins
    • 1
  1. 1.Loyola Marymount UniversityCaliforniaUSA

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