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Abstract

One of the most interesting and novel aspects of the Russian political scene after the spring of 1905 was the appearance of political groupings and movements that were collectively called, or called themselves, the ‘Right’. These were parties, leagues, unions or circles which professed their dedication to the historical principles of orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality, and whose members seemed inspired only by the wish to return to the status quo ante of a less contentious, less frustrating period of Russian history when every political impulse had come from above. They appeared to look back to a time when the state alone had effectively defended traditional interests and institutions and kept in check the economic and social turbulence which culminated in the Revolution of 1905. Yet for all its apparent nostalgia and immobilism, in spite of all its protests against the revolutionary changes taking place in politics and society, the Right and the very fact of its appearance as an organized public force marked a departure in Russian life. Not all these new advocates of autocracy and opponents of a ‘frivolous’ liberal tinkering with the historical structure of the state were disposed blindly to defend the existing establishment; nor were they necessarily a part of it.

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Notes and References

  1. See, for example, M. N. Pokrovskii, ‘Mir i reaktsiia’, in Pokrovskii (ed.) 1905-Istoriia revoliutsionnogo dvizheniia (Moscow-Leningrad: 1925) 2, pp. 237–41.

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  22. R. Rexheuser, Dumawahlen und lokale Gesellschaft (Cologne: 1980) p. 10, gives the percentage of Right deputies in the first Duma as 1.4. There were fourteen Right deputies in that body (‘who called themselves “moderate” Rightists’) according to Spirin (Krushenie, p. 341) and sixteen according to Zimmerman, The Right Radical Movement’, p. 311). He describes three of these as being, in a formal sense, Right Radicals and two as having been elected by a local Right Radical-Octobrist coalition. The Classification of the remaining eleven deputies is justified on the basis of their own professions of support for Right Radical ideas, or on the judgement of different observers of these men as “extreme Rightists”.’ Rawson, ‘the Union of the Russian People’, pp. 202–3, calculates an average of Right votes for the country as a whole of 5 per cent but states that no URP or hard-core rightist candidate won election. Cf. L-g, ‘Momenty’, p. 61; Gerassimoff, Der Kampf, p. 113; Zalezhskii, Monarkhisty, p. 46.

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  24. Kryzhanovskii, Vospominaniia, p. 152; SRN, pp. 38–40; Diakin, Samoderzhavie, burzhuaziia i dvorianstvo (Leningrad: 1978) pp. 80–1; Zimmerman, The Right Radical Movement’, p. 121.

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  25. B. Pares, My Russian Memoirs (London: 1931) pp. 126, 214–15. On Stolypin’s attitude to the Right, see also Conroy, Stolypin, pp. 30–1;

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  26. A. V. Tyrkova-Williams, Naputiakh k svobode (New York: 1952) p. 359.

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  27. V. A. Sukhomlinov, Vospominaniia (Berlin: 1924) p. 179.

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© 1986 Hans Rogger

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Rogger, H. (1986). The Formation of the Russian Right: 1900–06. In: Jewish Policies and Right-Wing Politics in Imperial Russia. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06568-4_7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-06568-4_7

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-06570-7

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-349-06568-4

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