Russian Ministers and the Jewish Question, 1881–1917

  • Hans Rogger
Part of the St Antony’s Series book series


The assassination of Alexander II, the pogroms following it and the Provisional Rules of 3 May 1882 marked a sharp turn for the worse in Imperial Russia’s treatment of the Jews. The government’s harshly discriminatory and restrictive measures — when not ascribed simply to anti-Semitism, to Russification or the determination to expel the Jews — have most often been viewed as deliberately designed to deflect onto the Jews the mass grievances and political protests threatening the regime. These assumptions are of such long standing, they have become so central to all interpretations of Jewish policy in prerevolutionary Russia, that they bear re-examination not only because they have been held so long and repeated so often, but more importantly because they are derived from an incomplete study of the evidence.


State Council Russian Minister Jewish Question Jewish Leader Jewish Refugee 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.


Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes and References

  1. 2.
    On Alexander III: Dubnov, ‘Furor judophobicus’, ES, 10 (1918) p. 28; Komitet ministrov, Istoricheskii obzor, 4, pp. 183–4, 436;Google Scholar
  2. R. M. Kantor, ‘Aleksandr III o evreiskikh pogromakh’, EL, 1 (1923) pp. 149–58;Google Scholar
  3. A. Orbach, ‘The Pogroms of 1881–82; The Response from St Petersburg Jewry’, Carl Beck Papers, no. 308 (1984) pp. 12–14; Poliakov, Tsar’ mirotvorets’, pp. 219–99;Google Scholar
  4. A. A. Polovtsov, Dnevnik (Moscow: 1966) 2, pp. 276, 390; Sliozberg, Dela, 1, pp. 115–18;Google Scholar
  5. A. S. Suvorin, Das Geheimtagebuch (Berlin: 1925) pp. 117–18; Zaionchkovskii, ‘Aleksandr III’, p. 132. On Nicholas: Chapter 3, n.29;Google Scholar
  6. Dubnov, Noveishoia istoriia cvreiskogo naroda (Berlin: 1923) 3rd edn, 3, p. 345; Bing, Secret Letters, p. 187;Google Scholar
  7. A. N. Kuropatkin, ‘Dnevnik’, KA, 2(1922) p. 43; Sliozberg, Dela, 3, p. 93,Spiridovich,Les dernièresannées,2,pp.447, 472–6.Google Scholar
  8. 4.
    Ignat’ev had spent twenty-five years in the foreign service, most of them abroad, and before becoming Minister of the Interior had served as Minister of State Domains. Zaionchkovskii, Krizis, pp. 379–84; Byrnes, Pobedonostsev, pp. 118–19, 151, 162–3; Hans Heilbronner, ‘The Administrations of Loris-Melikov and Ignat’ev’, Ph.D. dissertation. University of Michigan (1954): Lukashevkh, A ksakov, pp. 153–7;Google Scholar
  9. Rogger, ‘Reflections on Russian Conservatism’, Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 14, no. 2 (1966) pp. 206–7.Google Scholar
  10. 5.
    Zaionchkovskii, Krizis, p. 338; cf. p. 380. A Soviet historian, writing that several newspapers of liberal tendency were established or supported by Jewish business interests, mentions three examples — one daily in Moscow and two in Kiev. None was notably successful. V. Ia. Laverychev, Krupnaia burzhuaziia v poreformennoi Rossii. 1861–1900 (Moscow: 1974) pp. 132–3.Google Scholar
  11. 6.
    Zaionchkovskii, Krizis, pp. 385, 389; Hcilbronner, ‘Administrations’, p. 478; M. Davitt, Within the Pale (Philadelphia: 1903) p. 185.Google Scholar
  12. 7.
    The fullest account of Ignafev’s views and plans on the Jewish question is by Iu. I. Gessen, ‘Graf N. P. Ignat’ev i “Vremennye pravila” o evreiakh 3 maia 1882 goda’ Pravo, nos 30 and 31 (1908) pp. 1631–7 and 1878–87. On what follows, see also his Zakon, pp. 153–61 andGoogle Scholar
  13. his Istoriia evreiskago naroda v Rossii (Leningrad: 1925–7) 2nd edn, 2, pp. 215–27; Zaionchkovskii, Krizis, pp. 413–19;Google Scholar
  14. V. M. Khizhniakov, Vospominaniia zemskago deiatelia (Petrograd: 1916) pp. 109–14;Google Scholar
  15. J. Eckhardt, Russische Wandlungen (Leipzig: 1882) pp. 389–90; EE, I, p. 130, 5, pp. 815–22, 9, pp. 690–91; Peretts, Dnevnik, pp. 130–33.Google Scholar
  16. 8.
    The committee and its chairman acknowledged an intellectual debt to the ‘anti-Jewish movement abroad’. Dubnov, ‘Anti-evreiskoe dvizhenie 1881–1882 g.’ ES, 1 (1909) p. 266.Google Scholar
  17. 14.
    The official title of the Pahlen Commission was: Vysshaia komissiia dlia peresmotra deistvuiushchikh o evreiakh v Imperii zakonov. L. S. Makov, its first chairman and a former Minister of the Interior, was replaced after his death in April 1883 by Count Pahlen. The commission’s members and consultants, including several Jewish ‘experts’, are listed in EE, 5, pp. 862–3. Zaionchkovskii, in Rossiiskoe samoderzhavie (Moscow: 1970) p. 16, reports his failure to find the materials of the commission (or of its successor, chaired by Pleve) in the archives. Only the printed summary of its findings and recommendations, intended for official use, was available to me: Obshchaia zapiska vysshei komissii dlia peresmotra deistvuiushchikh o evreiakh v Imperii zakonov (1883–1888). Its conclusions and recommendations are on pp. 252 to 295. Subsequent citations will be to Obshchaia zapiska. The copy which I consulted in the Bodleian Library of Oxford University is inscribed, in an unknown Russian hand, ‘To his Excellency, K. P. Pobedonostsev’. It bears on its final page the names of eight members who favored the commission’s recommendations and five for the minority view. One of the latter is written in by hand. Zaionchkovskii cites archival evidence to the effect that one member of the majority adhered, in fact, to the opposition; cf. Aronson, ‘Russian Bureaucratic Attitudes’, pp. 58–61, and Obshchaia zapiska, p. 1.Google Scholar
  18. 17.
    G. L. Yaney, The Urge to Mobilize (Urbana, Ilinois: 1982) p. 51: ‘These rural guardians represented the MVD’s [Ministry of the Interior] belief that the central government had somehow to protect peasant institutions from the rest of society and to guide them through the travails and pitfalls of modernization.’Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    A. E. Adams, ‘Pobedonostsev and the Rule of Firmness’, SEER, 32, no. 78 (1953) p. 132.Google Scholar
  20. 21.
    P. L. Alston, Education and the State in Tsarist Russia (Stanford: 1969) p. 127; Peretts, Dnevnik, p. 39; Sliozberg, Dela, 2, p. 252; Byrnes, Pobedonostsev, pp. 206–7; Dubnov, Evrei v Rossii, 2, pp. 6–7;Google Scholar
  21. J. Eppel, In the Midst of the Beginning of the Great Awakening (in Hebrew) (Tel-Aviv: 1936) p. 256.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    H. L. von Schweinitz, Denkwurdigkeiten (Berlin: 1927) 2, p. 424. By way of illustration, Pobedonostsev told Schweinitz a story which, if he believed it, reveals more than a touch of pathology: in one of the larger districts of Mogilev guberniia, the local women did not know how to sew. The making or mending of the most simple articles of clothing had to be done by Jewish tailors. A well-to-do local noble had therefore arranged instruction in needlework for a number of young Christian women and had sent them at his expense into the villages of the district to teach others the use of the needle. Upon this, the Jews set fire to the house and farm buildings of the philanthropic landowner who lost all his property and barely managed to save his life.Google Scholar
  23. 24.
    Pobedonostsev, Pis’ma...k Aleksandru III (Moscow: 1925–6) 1, p. 344; cf. Chapter 2, n.15.Google Scholar
  24. 27.
    Gosudartsvennyi Sovet. Deiatel’lnost’ . 1881–1894 (St Petersburg: 1900) p. 135.Google Scholar
  25. 37.
    Ibid, pp. 421–32; Alston, Education and the State, pp. 121–3, 130, 138; P. M. Johnson, ‘I. D. Delianov and Russian Educational Policy’, Ph.D. dissertation, Emory University (1971) pp. 133–6, 187–91.Google Scholar
  26. 51.
    On Bunge, Peretts, Dnevnik, pp. 73, 130–1; H. Frederic, The New Exodus (New York: 1892) p. 116; Gessen, ‘Ignat’ev’ 31, pp. 1679–81; Snow, n. 53 this chapter.Google Scholar
  27. 56.
    V. N. Lamzdorf, Dnevnik (Moscow-Leningrad: 1934) pp. 52–3, 72.Google Scholar
  28. 58.
    Zaionchkovskii, Rossiiskoe samoderzhavie, p. 135; Bogdanovich, Tri poslednikh samoderzhtsa, p. 141; Polovtsov, Dnevnik, 2, p. 312. W. L. Langer in The Franco-Russian Alliance, 1890–1894 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: 1929) p. 179, does not rule out the possibility that the interests of French diplomacy had as much to do with the Rothschild withdrawal from the Russian loan as did the interests of their co¬religionists. For a conflicting view, seeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  29. O. Crisp, ‘The Financial Aspects of the Franco-Russian Alliance, 1894–1914’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of London (1954) p. 128: ‘When in 1891 the Rothschilds broke their contract with the Russian Government because of Jewish persecution, the Credit Lyonnais, apparently with the direct encouragement of the French Foreign Office, undertook the transaction because national interest demanded it’ There were also occasions when national interest persuaded French and English Jewish bankers, including the Rothschilds, to assist the Russians. SeeGoogle Scholar
  30. C. C. Aronsfeld, ‘Jewish Bankers and the Tsar’, JSS, 35, no. 2 (1973) pp. 87–104.Google Scholar
  31. 59.
    Polovtsov, Dnevnik, 2, p. 280; Seton-Watson, The Russian Empire, p. 518; T. H. Von Laue, Sergei Witte (New York: 1963) pp. 22–32.Google Scholar
  32. 60.
    Crisp, ‘Financial Aspects’, pp. 114, 308, 316, 463; Polovtsov, ‘Iz dnevnika’ KA, 67 (1934) p. 178; idem, Dnevnik, 2, p. 390;Google Scholar
  33. V. N. Kokovtsev, Iz moego proshlago: Vospominaniia (Paris: 1933) 1, pp. 59–60; ‘K peregovoram Kokovtseva o zaime v 1905–1906 gg.’ KA, 10 (1925) p. 25; EE, 13, p. 693;Google Scholar
  34. Z. Szajkowski, ‘Paul Nathan, Lucien Wolf, Jacob H. Schiff and the Jewish Revolutionary Movement in Eastern Europe, 1903–1917’, JSS, 29, no. 2 (1967) pp. 75–7. Aronsfeld, ‘Jewish Bankers’, p. 98, points out that only America’s Jewish bankers denied their financial services; cf.Google Scholar
  35. A. J. Sherman, ‘German-Jewish Bankers in World Politics: The Financing of the Russo-Japanese War’, Publications of the Leo Baeck Institute, Year Book 28 (1983) pp. 59–73.Google Scholar
  36. 62.
    Ibid, p. 433. The prefect of St Petersburg, General P. A. Gresser, had said much the same thing to an English journalist a few years earlier: W. T. Stead, The Truth About Russia (London: 1888) p. 247. In April 1909, the Minister of the Imperial Court, Baron Fredericks, expressed the opinion that the grant of the Duma had been premature. Twice during the revolutionary disturbances of 1905 and 1906, he said, prominent Jews like Poliakov and Guenzburg had called on him and had asked that he transmit to the tsar their promise that all disorders would cease with the grant of equal rights to the Jews.Google Scholar
  37. A. A. Polivanov, Iz dnevnikov (Moscow: 1924) p. 68.Google Scholar
  38. 65.
    On Tolstoi’s attitude and policies toward Jews, see: Bunge, Zapiska, p. 27; Aronson, ‘Prospects’, p. 361; J. F. Baddeley, Russia in the Eighties; J. C. McClelland, Autocrats and Academics (Chicago: 1979) p. 14; Gessen, Zakon, p. 162;Google Scholar
  39. M. L. Peskovskii, Rokovoe nedorazumenie (St Petersburg: 1891) p. 389; EE;, 1, p. 130;Google Scholar
  40. J. Taylor, ‘D. A. Tolstoi and the Ministry of the Interior, 1882–1889’, Ph.D. dissertation. New York University (1970) pp. 48–55;Google Scholar
  41. M. Wischnitzer, To Dwell in Safety (Philadelphia: 1948) p. 48. See Alston, Education and the State, pp. 130 and 280 (n. 48) for individual relaxations of the numerus clausus by Minister of Education Delianov; alsoGoogle Scholar
  42. G. Genkel’, ‘Iz chinovnich’ego mira’, EL,, 1 (1923) pp. 87–103 andGoogle Scholar
  43. T. I. Shatilov, ‘Epizody iz zhizni evreev studentov’, EL., 1 (1923) 2, pp. 146–51.Google Scholar
  44. 66.
    Polovtsov, Dnevnik, 2, p. 429; Vitte, Vospominaniia, 2, p. 214; Dubnov, Noveishaia istoriia, 3, p. 177; Zaionchkovskii, Rossiiskoe samoderzhavie, pp. 136, 151, 426; Sliozberg, Dela, 2, p. 175; idem, (Untsburg, p. 139; P. Son-m-k, ‘K istorii lisheniia evreev izbiratel’nykh prav’, TS, 4 (1911) pp. 109–13. It was during I. N. Durnovo’s ministry that an opinion of the State Council became law by virtue of imperial approval which established criminal ‘responsibility for open attacks of one part of the population upon another’. (Mysh, Rukovodstvo, p. 119.)Google Scholar
  45. 67.
    Preface by H. Rosenthal to S. D. Urusov, Memoirs of a Russian (lovcrnor (London: 1908) pp. vi–vii. This is at variance with what Urusov himself writes in the English (pp. 7–8) and Russian (p. 17) versions: ‘P.N. Durnovo, at the time [1900–1905] Assistant Minister of the Interior, spoke out with special sharpness and directness for an expansion of Jewish rights and against the existing “senseless” Jewish legislation’. On Durnovo’s conduct as Witte’s Minister of the Interior in 1905–6, seeGoogle Scholar
  46. W. D. Santoni, ‘P. N. Durnovo as Minister of the Interior in the Witte Cabinet’, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas (1968) pp. 34–4, 134, 611, 613. Santoni shows that Durnovo was indeed alarmed by the activities of Jewish revolutionaries and proceeded rigorously against them, but also that he removed one of his subordinates for spreading anti-Semitic literature and warned governors a few days after assuming office that they would be removed if pogroms occurred. Evidence on Durnovo’s role in the formation of right-wing organizations is even more contradictory; cf. Löwe, Antisemitismus, pp. 84, 10, 245 (note 15).Google Scholar
  47. 68.
    M. Aldanov, ‘P. N. Durnovo — Prophet of War and Revolution’, in D. von Mohrenschildt (ed.) The Russian Revolution of 1917 (New York: 1971) p. 73; Sliozberg,Dela, 2, pp. 143, 175–6, 181.Google Scholar
  48. P. J. Rollins, in Modern Encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet History, 10 (1979) p. 60, describes Durnovo ‘as a defender of Jews and a pragmatist on national questions’.Google Scholar
  49. 71.
    The much-debated question of Pleve’s responsibility for Kishinev is discussed in Chapter 2. In addition to the literature cited there (notes 26 to 29), see V. I. Gurko, Features and Figures of the Past (Stanford: 1939) pp. 246–8;Google Scholar
  50. A. A. Lopukhin, Otryvki iz vospominanii (Moscow-Petrograd: 1923) pp. 14–15; Ambassador Alvensleben to Chancellor von Bulow, 18 May 1903 Germany, Auswärtiges Amt, Akten, film series I, reel 306, no. 291.Google Scholar
  51. 72.
    Bogdanovich, Tri poslednikh samoderzhtsa, p. 290; L. M. Aizenberg, ‘Vidy pravitel’stva v evreiskom voprose’, FF, 1 (1923) pp. 37–51.Google Scholar
  52. 73.
    S. Kh. Beilin, ‘Snosheniia Prof. Ian/hula s Pleve po evreiskomu voprosu; 1902 g.’,ES, 9 (1916) p. 329.Google Scholar
  53. 75.
    As a staff member of the journal Trudovaia pomoshch’, the jurist A. I. Koni attended the meeting at which, on 7 January 1903, Pleve and Witte aired their views on the Jewish question. His notes are in A. F. Koni, Na zhiznennom puti (Leningrad: 1929) 5, pp. 283–6; cf.Google Scholar
  54. J. Schneiderman, Sergei Zubatov and Revolutionary Marxism (Ithaca, New York: 1976) pp. 227–58, 278–81 and Pospielovskv, Police Trade Unionism, pp. 70–72,88, 111–43.Google Scholar
  55. 76.
    Heilbronner, ‘Count Aehrenthal and Russian Jewry, 1903–1907’, Journal of Modern History, 38, no. 4 (1966) pp. 394–406. For examples of Pleve’s tactical flexibility on other issues, seeCrossRefGoogle Scholar
  56. E. C. Thaden (ed.) Russification in the Baltic Provinces and Finland. 1855–1914 (Princeton: 1981) p. 83 and Yaney, Urge to Mobilize, p. 204.Google Scholar
  57. 77.
    Mysh, Rukovodstvo, pp. 113–14, 120–3; Dubnov, Fvrei v Rossii, 2, p. 47; Ciessen, Zakon, pp. 172–3; Judge, Plehve, p. 215; I. I. Tolstoi, Per Antisemitismus in Russland (Frankfurt: 1909) p. 81.Google Scholar
  58. 81.
    Urusov, Zapiski, p. 209; M. B. Slutskii, V skorbnye dni (Kishinev: 1930) p. 83; EE, 9, p. 692; Miliukov, ‘The Jewish Question’, p. 65. For a different reading of Pleve’s intentions, see Dubnov, Noveishaia istoriia, 3, p. 380 and Fvrei v Rossii, 2, p. 54; also, Löwe, Antisemitismus, p. 55.Google Scholar
  59. 83.
    A. I. Braudo, ‘Bcseda V. K. Pleve s L. Vol’fom (1903)’, ES, 9 (1916) pp. 121–5. The text of Pleve’s circular of 24 June 1903, warning against the growth of Zionist tendencies because they were hostile to assimilation, in FS, 8 (1915) pp. 412–14. There is a mimeographed copy in the Hoover Library, Okhrana Archives, Index XVIII b, Folder 2.Google Scholar
  60. 84.
    Liubimov, ‘Otryvki iz vospominanii’, Istoricheskii Arkhiv, no. 6 (1962) pp. 82–3.Google Scholar
  61. 85.
    P. Korzec (ed.) ‘Un document inédit sur la question juive en Russie’, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, 5, no. 2 (1970) pp. 278–91; cf. EE, 5, p. 821; Ciessen, Zakon, p. 172.Google Scholar
  62. 86.
    I. Smolitsch, Geschichte der russischen Kirche(Leiden: 1964) I, p. 316; Gurko, Features and Figures, p. 279;Google Scholar
  63. S. E. Kryzhanovskii, Vospominaniia (Berlin: 1938) pp. 17, 21, 26; Dubnov, Noveishaia istoriia, 3, p. 383; Idem, Evrei v Rossii, 2, p. 62; Bogdanovich, Tri poslednikh samoderzhtsa, pp. 303, 309;Google Scholar
  64. S. Levin, The Arena (New York: 1932) p. 277.Google Scholar
  65. 90.
    Kuropatkin, ‘Dnevnik’ p. 26; Polovtsov, ‘Dnevnik’, KA, 3 (1923) p. 99;Google Scholar
  66. G. O. Raukh, ‘Dnevnik’ ibid, 19 (1926) pp. 90–1;Google Scholar
  67. L. A. Tikhomirov, ‘25 let nazad’, ibid, 39 (1930) pp. 55, 57; Seraphim, ‘Zar Nikolaus’, p. 285; Velikaia vsemirnaia liga (Moscow: 1906) pp. 3,Google Scholar
  68. 98.
    The text of the letter, signed by Jacob SchifY, Isaac Seligman, Oscar Straus, Adolph Lewisohn and Adolph Kraus, in C. Adler and A. M. Margalith, With Firmness in the Right (New York: 1946) pp. 266–8. A shorter version, described as a promemoria, appeared on 20 September 1905 in Russische Korrespondenz in Berlin. This was one of three informational bulletins published by Jewish organizations in Western Europe to bring the plight of the Russian Jews to the attention of public opinion; cf. Sliozberg, Dela, 3, p. 163.Google Scholar
  69. 99.
    Ibid, pp. 179–80, 188; Lopukhin, Otryvki, pp. 82–90; Russische Korrespondenz,Google Scholar
  70. 13 October 1906; Santoni, P. N. Durnovo, pp. 164, 314.Google Scholar
  71. 104.
    A. S. Izgoev, ‘V Rossii i za granitsei’ RM, no. 10 (1911) p. 2.Google Scholar
  72. 105.
    C. N. Shipov, Vospominaniia (Moscow: 1918) pp. 461–6.Google Scholar
  73. 106.
    Koni, Sobranie sochinenii (Moscow: 1966) 2, p. 367;Google Scholar
  74. L. Menashe, ‘Alexander Guchkov’, Ph.D. dissertation, New York University (1964) p. 170, note; Harcave, The Jewish Question’, p. 162. At about the same time, Stolypin said to Sir Arthur Nicholson, ‘As to equality of rights for all, this no doubt was a question which to the European mind seemed an elementary right. But in Russia, in view of the backward state of education and of the traditional antipathy of the Russian for the Jew, the question must be dealt with cautiously’.Google Scholar
  75. M. S. Conroy, P. A. Stolypin (Boulder, Colorado: 1976) p. 153.Google Scholar
  76. 109.
    The journal, being a summary rather than a true record of the ministers’ discussions and views, makes it impossible to determine how they voted on each of the specific proposals before them. Kokovtsev remembers that only A. P. Izvol’skii (Foreign Minister) and P. Kh. Shvanebakh (State Comptroller) opposed the final recom¬mendations, the former because they did not go far enough in the direction of the total abolition of restrictions, the latter because they went too far too quickly. In spite of what Gurko heard, Stolypin was not in the minority, except on one point concerning land rental, and the document submitted to the tsar contains no indication of dissent by any member of the council; cf. Löwe, Antisemitismus, p. 248 and Heilbronner, ‘P. K. von Schwanebach and the Dissolution of the First Two Dumas’, Canadian Slavonic Papers 11, no. 1 (1966) p. 40.Google Scholar
  77. 112.
    Ia. L. Teild’,Iz moei zhizm(Paris: 1925) p. 183. To a French newspaperman in the fall of 1906, Stolypin explained that the postponement of emancipation of the Jews was for their own good. An immediate solution of this complicated question would arouse a storm of public protest.Google Scholar
  78. M. A. Reisner,‘Rossiia za granitsei’, Vsemirnyi Vestnik, no. 10 (1906) p. 119; cf. Aronsfeld, ‘Jewish Bankers’, p. 94, n. 25.Google Scholar
  79. 115.
    Avrekh, Tsarism i tret’eiunskaia sistema (Moscow: 1966); Edelman, Gentry Politics, pp. 65–93; Iurskii, Pravye v Tiet’ei.Google Scholar
  80. 116.
    Admirers as well as enemies, Jews a well as Russians, have described Stolypin as everything from a friend of the Jews and advocate of emancipation to a rabid anti-Semite. For a sampling of these divergent views see: Kniga o russkom evreistve, p. 58; A. V. Zen’kovskii, Pravda o Stolypine (New York: 1956) pp. 79–80, 85, 108;Google Scholar
  81. M. P. Bok, Vospominaniia o moem otse (New York: 1953) p. 73;Google Scholar
  82. A.V. Obolenskii, ‘Moi vospominaniia’, Vozrozhdenie, no. 47 (1955) p. 98;Google Scholar
  83. A. F. Girs, ‘Svetlye i chernye dni’ Chasovoi, no. 330 (1953) p. 10;Google Scholar
  84. S. K. Gogel, Die Ursachen der russischen Revolution (Berlin: 1926) p. 68;Google Scholar
  85. P. G. Kurlov, Das Ende des russischen Kaisertums (Berlin: 1920) pp. 166–8;Google Scholar
  86. A. P. Stolypin (ed.) P. A. Stolypin (Paris: 1927) p. 50; Russische KorrespondenzA August 1911.Google Scholar
  87. 128.
    P. N. Balashev, ‘Pis’mo k Stolypinu’, KA, 9 (1925) pp. 291–4.Google Scholar
  88. 129.
    S. N. Paleolog, Okolo Vlasti(Belgrade: 1928) p. 157; A. F. Girs, ‘Evreiskii vopros’, undated ms in Columbia University Archives of Russian and East European History and Culture, p. 15.Google Scholar
  89. 132.
    Chmielewski, The Polish Question in the Russian State Duma (Knoxville, Tennessee: 1970) pp. 114–15; Tager, Tsarskaia Rossiia, p. 157; Löwe, Antisemitismus, pp. 138–40.Google Scholar
  90. 133.
    E. A. Preobrazhenskii (ed.) Russkie finansv i evropeiskaia birzha (Moscow-Leningrad: 1926) pp. 103, 113,214, 344.Google Scholar
  91. 134.
    B. V. Anan’ich, ‘Vneshnie zaimy tsarizma’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, no. 81 (1968) p. 178.Google Scholar
  92. 135.
    Kokovtsev, ‘Terepiska’, AX 4(1923) pp. 134–5.Google Scholar
  93. 136.
    ‘Iz chernoi knigi rossiiskago evreistva’, ES, 9 (1916) pp. 195–296; B. D. Brutskus, ‘Ekonomicheskoe polozhenie evreev i voina’, RM, no. 4 (1915) pp. 27–45; Baron, The Russian Jew pp. 187–200;Google Scholar
  94. G. Katkov, Russia 1917 (New York: 1967) pp. 55–62.Google Scholar
  95. E. M. Kulischer, Europe on the Move (New York: 1948) p. 31, gives the number of Jews evacuated by the summer of 1915 as having surpassed 600 000. The Jews in the Eastern War Zone (New York: 1916) states on p. 11, ‘A million Jews were driven from their homes in a state of absolute destitution’.Google Scholar
  96. 137.
    A. N. Iakhontov, ‘Tiazhelye dni’, Arkhiv Russkoi Revoliutsii, 18 (1926) pp. 15–136. There is an English translation, with an introduction by M. Cherniavsky: Prologue to Revolution (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: 1967). A typescript of Iakhonov’s notes, covering sessions from July 1914 through August 1916, is in the Columbia University Archives of Russian and East European History and Culture. For Sliozberg’s recollections of these events see Dela, 3, pp. 334-42.Google Scholar
  97. 142.
    Bark had played an important part in impressing the seriousness of the problem created by the army upon his colleagues. He himself was made aware of it by Jewish bankers and industrialists in Russia as well as by the Rothschilds and others when he attended Allied economic conferences in Paris and London. Jewish ability seriously to impede the flow of funds to Russia was exaggerated by friend and foe alike. Bark, ‘Vospominaniia’, no. 165 (1965) p. 78; no. 172 (1966) pp. 92–9; no. 177 (1966) pp. 105–6.Google Scholar
  98. 146.
    A. A. Oznobishin, Vospominaniia (Paris: 1927) p. 243. Protopopov’s belief in the necessity of placating wealthy Jews appears to be connected with meetings he had with the Rothschilds in London and Paris in early 1916. SeeGoogle Scholar
  99. Bark, ‘Vospominaniia’, no. 177 (1966) p. 106;Google Scholar
  100. V. S. Diakin, ‘K voprosu o “zagovore tsarizma” nakanune fevral’skoi revoliutsii’ in N. E. Nosov el al. (eds) Vnutrennaia politika tsarizma (Leningrad: 1967) p. 377; Sliozberg, Dela, 3, p. 352.Google Scholar
  101. 147.
    V. P. Semennikov (ed.) Nikolai II i velikie kniaźvd (Leningrad-Moscow: 1925) p. 120.Google Scholar
  102. 148.
    N. Cohn, Warrant for Genocide (London: 1967) p. 52; cf. The. lews in the Eastern War Zone, p. 9, it was the openly expressed policy of the reactionaries who ruled Russia to solve the Jewish question by ridding the country of its Jews’.Google Scholar
  103. 151.
    O. Fenichel, ‘Elements of a Psychoanalytic Theory of Anti-Semitism’, in E. Simmel (ed.) Anti-Semitism: A Social Disease (New York: 1946) pp. 11–32. Fenichel himself, after citing the Russian example, refers to ‘this undoubtedly correct, but neither sufficiently deep nor sufficiently specific theory of anti-Semitism (which) we shall call the “scapegoat” theory’.Google Scholar
  104. 152.
    V. Burtsev, Protokoly sionskikh mudretsov (Paris: 1938) pp. 105–6; Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, p. 115; Sliozberg, Dela, 3, p. 283. On the use made of the ‘Protocols’ by the Russian Right seeGoogle Scholar
  105. E. R. Zimmerman, ‘The Right Radical Movement in Russia’, D. Phil, dissertation, University of London (1968) who observes (p. 260), ‘The use of the “Protocols” by Right Radicals is not surprising; what is surprising is the fact that they made so little use of them, especially during the years 1907 to 1917’. For the 1891 law see Mysh, Rukovodstvo, p. 119.Google Scholar
  106. 153.
    For example, Leon Trotsky, ‘Thermidor and Anti-Semitism’ (1937) in On the Jewish Question (New York: 1970) p. 22;Google Scholar
  107. A. Yarmolinsky, Road to Revolution (New York: 1959) pp. 305–10, for Lavrov and others; EE,, 1, p. 820 for the opinion of Alexander IPs liberal Minister of War, D. A. Miliutin, that Jews, even if the civil service were opened to them, should not be alLöwed to become officers in the army since peasant soldiers would lack respect for them.Google Scholar
  108. 155.
    Byrnes, Pobedonostsev, p. 108; H. Kohn, Pan-Slavism (New York: 1960) 2nd edn, p. 410; Bunge, Zapiska, p. 33.Google Scholar
  109. 157.
    B. Pares, Russia Between Reform and Revolution (New York: 1962) p. 154.Google Scholar
  110. 159.
    See for example, A. Subbotin, ‘Evreiskii vopros v ego pravil’nom osveshchenii. Trudy I. S. Bliokha’, Evreiskaia Riblioteka, 10 (1902) pp. 63–124, esp. pp. 103–9.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Hans Rogger 1986

Authors and Affiliations

  • Hans Rogger

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations